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HISTOHY 



OF 



E O M U L U 8 



BY 



JACOB ABBOTT 



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toiti) €nc|rat)ings 



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NEW YORK 

HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 



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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by 

HARPER & BROTHERS, 

In the Clerk's OfBce for the Southern District of New York. 



Copyright, 1880, by Benjamin Vaughan Abbott, Austin Abbott, 
Lyman Abbott, and Edward Abbott. 



PREFACE 



In writing the series of historical narratives to 
v^hich the present work pertains, it has been the 
object of the author to furnish to the reading com- 
munity of this country an accurate and faithful 
account of the lives and actions of the several per- 
sonages that are made successively the subjects of 
the volumes, following precisely the story which has 
come down to us from ancient times. The writer 
has spared no pains to gain access in all cases to the 
original sources of information, and has confined 
himself strictly to them. The reader may, therefore, 
feel assured in perusing any one of these works, that 
the interest of it is in no degree indebted to the inven 
tion of the author. No incident, however trivial, is 
ever added to the original account, nor are ai.'y words 
even, in any case, attributed to a speaker without 
express authority. Whatever of interest, therefore, 
these stories may possess, is due solely to the facts 
themselves which are recorded in them, and to their 
being brought together in a plain, simple, and con- 
nected narrative. 



CONTENTS. 



CHA.PTBR TAQB 

I. CADMUS 1 '^ 

II, CADMUS'S LETTERS S6 

III. THE STORY OF ^NEAS • • ^^ 

IV. THE DESTRUCTION OF TROY ^9 

V. THE FLIGHT OF ^NEAS 103 

VI. THE LANDING IN LATIUM 131 

Vn. RHEA SILVIA 15' 

VIIL THE TWINS 1^* 

IX. THE FOUNDING OF ROME 202 

X. ORGANIZATION 225 

XL WIVES ' 248 

Xri. THE SABINE WAK i . 270 

Kill. laE CONCLUSION . 295 



ENGRAVINGS. 



, PAGl 

'THE HARPIES Fronthpiece. 

JUPITER AND EUROPA 28 

MAP — JOURNEYINGS OF CADMUS 30 

SYMBOLICAL •WRITING 37 

SYMBOLICAL AND PHONETIC WRITING 44 

HIEROGLYPHICS 56 

MAP ORIGIN OF VENUS 61 

^NEAS DEFENDING THE BODY OF PANDARUS 68 

THE TORTOISE 98 

HELEN , 105 

map wanderings of ^neas 119 

map latium 134 

Silvia's stag 145 

rhea silvia iso 

faustulus and the twins 184 

situation of rome 209 

promising the bracelets 284 

the death of romulus 305 



The Illuminated Title-page, from a design by Gwilt Mapleson 
presents, in the border, an imitation of the Roman tossplatod par© 
ment, and in the vignette a view of ruins at Rome. 



ROMULUS 

CllAPTEK I. 

Cadmus. 



Dififerent kinds of greatness. 



SOME men are renowned in history on ac- 
count of the extraordinary powers and 
capacities which they exhibited in the course 
of their career, or the intrinsic greatness of 
the deeds which they performed. Others, 
without having really achieved any thing in 
itself very great or wonderful, have become 
widely known to mankind by reason of the 
vast consequences w^hich, in the subsequent 
course of events, resulted from their doings. 
Men of this latter class are conspicuous rather 
than great. From among thousands of otlier 
men equally exalted in character with them- 
3 elves, they are brought out prominently to 
the notice of mankind only in consequence of 
the strong light reflected, by great events sub- 



14 EoMtJLus. [B.C. 1500. 

Founders of cities. Rome. Interest in respect to its origin. 

eeqiiently occurring, back "upon the position 
where they happened to stand. 

The celebrity of Romulus seems to be of 
tliis latter kind. He founded a city. A 
thousand other men have founded cities ; and 
in doing their work have evinced perhaps as 
much courage, sagacity, and mental power as 
Romulus displayed. The city of Romulus, 
however, became in the end the queen and 
mistress of the world. It rose to so exalted a 
position of influence and power, and retained 
its ascendency so long, that now for twenty 
centuries every civilized nation in the western 
world have felt a strong interest in every thing 
pertaining to its history, and have been accus- 
tomed to look back with special curiosity to 
the circumstances of its origin. In conse- 
quence of this it has happened that though 
Romulus, in his actual day, performed no 
very great exploits, and enjoyed no pre-emi- 
nence above the thousand other half-savage 
chieftains of his class, whose names have been 
long forgotten, and very probably while lie 
lived never dreamed of any extended fame, 
yet so brilliant is the illumination which the 
subsequent events of history have shed upon 
his position and his doings, that his name and 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 15 

The story of iEneas. The Mediterranean sea. 

the incidents of liis life have been brought out 
very conspicuously to view, and attract very 
strongly the attention of mankind. 

The history of Rome is usually made to be- 
gin with the story of ^neas. In order that 
the reader may understand in what light that 
romantic tale is to be regarded, it is necessary 
to premise some statements in respect to the 
general condition of society in ancient days, 
and to the nature of the strange narrations, 
circulated in those early periods among man- 
kind, out of which in later ages, when the art 
of writing came to be introduced, learned 
men compiled and recorded what they termed 
history. 

The countries which formed the shores of 
the Mediterranean sea were as verdant and 
beautiful, in those ancient days, and perhaps 
as fruitful and as densely populated as in 
modern times. The same Italy and Greece 
were there then as now. There were the same 
blue and beautiful seas, the same mountains, 
the same picturesque and enchanting shores, 
the same smiling valleys, and the same serene 
and genial sky. The level lands were tilled 
industriously by a rural population corre 



16 K OMUL us. [B.C. 1500, 

Italy and Greece in ancient times, and now. 

sponding in all essential points of character 
with the peasantry of modern times ; and 
shepherds and herdsmen, then as now, hunted 
the wild beasts, and watched their flocks and 
herds, on the declivities of the mountains. In 
a word, the appearance of the face of nature, 
and the performance of the great function of 
the social state, namely, the procuring of food 
and clothing for man by the artificial cultiva • 
tion of animal and vegetable life, were sub- 
stantially the same on the shores of tlie Medi- 
terranean two thousand years ago as now. 
Even the plants and the animals themselves 
which the ancient inhabitants reared, have 
undergone no essential change. Their sheep 
and oxen and horses were the same as ours. 
So were their grapes, their apples, and their 
corn. 

If, however, we leave the humbler classes 
and occupations of society, and turn our at- 
tention to those which represent the refine- 
ment, the cultivation, and the power, of tlie 
two respective periods, we shall find that al- 
most all analogy fails. There v/as an aris- 
tocracy then as now, ruling over the widely- 
extended communities of peaceful agricultu- 
ralists and herdsmen, but the members of it 



IJ.C. 1500.J Cadmus. 17 

Ancient chieftains. Their modes of life. 

were entirely different in their character, 
their tastes, their ideas, and their occupations 
from the classes which exercise the preroga- 
tives of government in Em'ope in modern 
times. The nobles then were military chief- 
tains, living in 'camps or in walled cities, which 
they built foi the accommodation of them- 
selves and tho followers. These chieftains 
were not barbadians. They were in a certain 
sense cultivated and refined. They gathered 
around them in their camps and in their courts 
orators, poets, statesmen, and officers of every 
grade, who seem to have possessed the same 
energy, genius, taste, and in some respects the 
same scientific skill, which have in all ages 
and in every clime characterized the upper 
classes of the Caucasian race. They carried 
all the arts which were necessary for their 
purposes and plans to high perfection, and in 
the invention of tales, ballads and poems, to 
be recited at their entertainments and feasts, 
they evinced the most admirable taste and 
skill ; — a taste and skill which, as they resulted 
not from the operation and influence of arti- 
ficial rules, but from the unerring instinct of 
genius, have never been surpassed. In fact, 
the poetical inventions of those early days, far 

B 



18 EoMULUs. [B.C. 1500, 

Religious ideaa of the ancient Greeks and Romans. 

from having been produced in conformity 
with rules, were entirely precedent to rules, in 
the order of time. Kules were formed from 
them ; for they at length became established 
themselves in the estimation of mankind, aa 
models, and on their authority as models, 
the whole theory of rhetorical and poetical 
beauty now mainly reposes. 

The people of those days formed no idea of 
a spiritual world, or of a spiritual divinity. 
They however imagined, that heroes of former 
days still continued to live and to reign in 
certain semi-heavenly regions among the sum- 
mits of their blue and beautiful mountains, 
and that they were invested there with attri- 
butes in some respects divine. In addition to 
these divinities, the fertile fancy of those 
ancient times filled the earth, the air, the sea, 
and the sky with imaginary beings, all most 
graceful and beautiful in their forms, and 
poetical in their functions, — and made them 
the subjects, too, of innumerable legends ani 
tales, as graceful, poetical, and beautiful as 
themselves. Every grove, and fountain, and 
river, — every lofty summit among the moun- 
tains, and every rock and promontory along 
Uie shores of the sea, — every cave, every val 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. lO' 

Ancient studies of nature. Purpose of tnein. 

ley, every water-fall, had its imaginary occu- 
pant, — the genius of the spot ; so that every 
natural object which attracted public notice at 
all, was the subject of some picturesque and 
romantic story. In a word, nature was not 
exj^lored then as now, for the purpose of as- 
certaining and recording cold and scientific 
realities, — but to be admired, and embellish- 
ed, and animated ; — and to be peopled, every- 
where, with exquisitely beautiful, though ima- 
ginary and supernatural, life and action. 

What the genius of imagination and ro- 
mance did thus in ancient times with the 
scenery of nature, it did also on the field of 
history. Men explored that field not at all to 
learn sober and actual realities, but to find 
something that they might embellish and 
adorn, and animate with supernatural and 
marvelous life. What the sober realities 
might have actually been, was of no interest 
or moment to them whatever. There were no 
scholars then as now, living in the midst of 
libraries, and finding constant employment, 
and a never-ending pleasure, in researches 
for the simple investigation of the truth. 
There was in fact no retirement, no seclusion, 
no study. Every thing except what related to 



'20 KoMULUs. [B.C. 1500. 

History. Ancient poems and tales. 

the mere daily toil of tilling tlie ground bore 
direct relation to military expeditions, spec- 
tacles and parades ; and the only field for the 
exercise of that kind of intellectual ability 
which is employed in modern times in inves- 
tigating and recording historic truth, was the 
invention and recitation of poems, dramas and 
tales, to amuse great military audiences in 
camps or public gatherings, convened to wit- 
ness shows or games, or to celebrate great re- 
lio-ious festivals. Of course under such cir- 
cumstances there would be no interest felt in 
truth as truth. Eomance and fable would be 
far more serviceable for such ends than re- 
ality. 

Still it is obvious that such tales as were in- 
vented to amuse for the purposes w^e have de 
Bcribed, w^ould have a deeper interest for 
ihose who listened to them, if founded in 
some measure upon fact, and connected in 
respect to the scene of their occurrence, with 
real localities. A prince and his court sitting 
at their tables in the palace or the tent, at the 
close of a feast, would listen with greater in- 
terest to a story that purported to be an ac- 
count of the deeds and the marvelous adven- 
tures of their ov/n ancestors, than to one thai 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 21 

How far founded in fact. Cadmus. 

was wliollj and avowedly imaginary. The 
inventors of these tales would of conrse gen- 
erally choose such subjects, and their narra- 
tions would generally consist therefore rather 
of embellishments of actual transactions, than 
of inventions wholly original. Their heroes 
were consequently real men ; the principal 
actions ascribed to them were real actions, 
and the places referred to were real localities. 
Thus there was a semblance of truth and real- 
ity in all these tales which added greatly to 
tlie interest of them ; while there were no 
means of ascertaining the real truth, and thus 
spoiling the story by making the falsehood or 
improbability of it evident and glaring. 

"We cannot well have a better illustration 
of these principles than is afforded by the 
story of Cadmus, an adventurer who was said 
to have brought the knowledge of alphabetic 
writing into Greece from some countries 
farther eastward. In modern times there is a 
very strong interest felt in ascertaining the 
exact truth on this subject. The art of writ- 
ing w^ith al^^habetic characters was so great 
an invention, and it has exerted so vast an in- 
iluence on the condition and progress of man- 
Idnd since it was introduced, that a vei-y 



22 KoMULus. [B.C. 1500 

luterest felt in resjtect to the origin of writing. 

strong interest is now felt in every thing that 
can be ascertained as actually fact, in respect 
to its origin. If it were possible now to de- 
termine under what circumstances the method 
of representing the elements of sound by 
v/ritten characters was first devised, to dis- 
cover who it was that first conceived the idea, 
and what led him to make the attempt, what 
difiiculties he encountered, to v/hat purposes 
he first applied his invention, and to what re- 
sults it led, the whole world would take a 
very strong interest in the revelation. The 
essential point, however, to be observed, is 
that it is the real truth in respect to the sub- 
ject that the world are now interested in 
knowing. Were a romance writer to invent 
a tale in respect to the origin of writing, how- 
ever ingenious and entertaining it might be 
in its details, it would excite in the learned 
world at the present day no interest whatever. 
There is in fact no account at present ex- 
isting in respect to the actual origin of alp^ia- 
betic characters, though there is an account 
of the circumstances under which the art 
was brought into Europe from Asia, where it 
seems to have been originally invented. We 
v/ill give the facts, first in their simple form, 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 23 

True story of Cadmus. His father Agenor Europa. 

and then the narrative in the form in which 
it was related in ancient times, as embellished 
hy the ancient story-tellers. 

The facts then, as now generally under 
stood and believed, are, that there was a cer- 
tain king in some country in Africa, named 
Agenor, Vv^ho lived about 1500 years before 
Christ. lie had a daughter named Europa, 
and several sons. Among his sons was one 
named Cadmus. Europa was a beautiful gir], 
and after a time a wandering adventurer from 
some part of the northern shores of the Med- 
iterranean sea, came into Africa, and was so 
much pleased witli her that he resolved if 
iDossible, to obtain her for his wife. He did 
not dare to make proposals openly, and he 
accordingly disguised himself and mingled 
with the servants upon Agenor's farm. In this 
disguise he succeeded in making acquaint- 
ance with Europa, and finally persuaded her 
to elope with him. The pair accordingly fled, 
and crossing the Mediterranean they went to 
Crete, an island near the northern shores of 
the sea, and there they lived together. 

The father, when he found that his daugh- 
ter had deceived him and gone away, waa 
very indignant, and sent Cadmus and hia 



U KoMULTJS. [B.C. 1500. 

Telephassa. The pursuit of Europa. Fruitless result. 

brothers in pursuit of her. The mother of 
Eiiroj^a, whose name was Telephassa, though 
less indignant perhaps than the father, waa 
overwhelmed with grief at the loss of her 
child, and determined to accompany her sons 
in the search. She accordingly took leave 
of her husband and of her native land, and 
set out with Cadmus and her other sons on 
the long journey in search of her lost child. 
Agenor charged his sons never to come home 
again unless they brought Europa with them. 
Cadmus, with his mother and brothers, 
traveled slowly toward the northward, along 
the eastern shores of the Mediterranean sea, 
inquiring everywhere for the fugitive. They 
passed through Syria and Phenicia, into Asia 
Minor, and from Asia Minor into Greece. 
At length Telephassa, worn down, perhaps, 
by fatigue, disappointment, and grief, died. 
Cadmus and his brothers soon after became 
discouraged ; and at last, weary with their 
wanderings, and prevented by their father's 
injunction from returning without Europa, 
they determined to settle in Greece. In at- 
tempting to establish themselves there, how- 
ever, they became involved in various con- 
flicts, first with wild beasts, and afterward 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 25 

Cadmus settles ia Greece. Thebes. Arts introduced by him. 

with men, the natives of the land, who seemed 
to spring up, as it were, from the ground, to 
oppose them. They contrived, however, at 
length, by fomenting quarrels among their 
enemies, and taking sides with one party 
Bgainst the rest, to get a permanent footing 
in Greece, and Cadmus finally founded a city 
there, which he called Thebes. 

In establishing the institutions and govern- 
ment of Thebes, and in arranging the organi- 
zation of the people into a social state, Cadmus 
introduced among them several arts, which, 
in that part of the country, had been before 
miknown. One of these arts was the use of 
copper, which metal he taught his new sub • 
jects to procure from the ore obtained in 
mines. There were several others ; but the 
most important of all was that he taught them 
sixteen letters representing elementary voca' 
sounds, by means of which inscriptions ol 
words could be carved upon monuments, oi 
'a2">on tablets of metal or of stone. 

It is not supposed that the idea of rep- 
'esenting the elements of vocal sounds by 
characters originated with Cadmus, or that 
he invented the characters himself. He 
brought them with him undoubtedly, but 



26 Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 

The ancient legend of Cadmus. Jupiter. 

whether from Egypt or Phenicia, can not now 
be known. 

Such are the facts of the case, as now gen - 
erally understood and believed! Let us now 
compare this simple narration with the ro- 
mantic tale which the early story-tellers made 
from it. The legend, as they relate it, is as 
follows. 

Jupiter was a prince born and bred among 
the summits of Mount Ida, in Crete. His 
father's name was Saturn. Saturn had made 
an agreement that he would cause all his sons 
to be slain, as soon as they were born. This 
was to appease his brother, who was his rival, 
and who consented that Saturn should con- 
tinue to reign only on that condition. 

Jupiter's mother, however, was very un- 
willing that her boys should be thus cruelly 
put to death, and she contrived to conceal 
three of them, and save them. Tlie three 
thus preserved were brought up among tlie 
solitudes of tlie mountains, w^atched and at- 
tended by nymphs, and nursed by a goat. 
After they grew up, they engaged from time 
to time in various wars, and met with various 
wonderfu I adventures, until at length Jupiter, 
tlie oldest of them, succeeded, by means of 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 27 

Alventures of Jupiter. Wis love for Europa, 

tliunderbolts which he caused to be forged 
for his use, in vast subterranean cayems be- 
neath Mount Etna and Mount Yesuvius, con- 
quered all his enemies, and became universal 
king. He, however, divided his empire be- 
tween himself and his brothers, giving to 
them respectively the command of the sea 
and of the subterranean regions, wdiile he 
reserved the earth and the heavenly regions 
for himself. 

He established his usual abode among the 
mountains of Northern Greece, but he often 
made excursions to and fro upon the earth, 
appearing in various disguises, and meeting 
with a grea-t number of strange and marvel- 
ous adventures. In the course of these wan- 
derings he found his way at one time into 
Egypt, and to the dominions of Agenor, — and 
there he saw Agenor's beautiful daughter, 
Europa. He immediately determined to make 
her his bride ; and to secure this object he 
assumed the form of a very finely shaped and 
beautiful bull, and in this guise joined him- 
self to Agenor's herds of cattle. Europa 
soon saw him there. She was much pleased 
with the beauty of his form, and finding him 
gentle and kind in disposition, she approached 



28 



His elopement. 



E/ OMUL US. 



[B.C. 1500. 



Jupiter and Europa in Crete. 



him, patted his glossy neck and sides, and in 
other similar ways gratified the prince hy 
marks of her admiration and pleasure. She 




Jupiter and Europa. 



was at length induced hy some secret and 
magical influence which the prince exerted 
over her, to mount upon his hack, and allow 
herself to he home away. The hull ran with 
his hurden to the shore, and plunged into 
the waves. He swam across the sea to Crete,^ 



See Map, p. 30. 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. iO 

I'he expedition of Cadmua. His various wanderings. 

and there, resuming his proper form, lie 
made the princess his bride. 

Agenor and Telephassa, when they found 
that their daughter was gone, were in great 
distress, and Agenor immediately determined 
to send his sons on an expedition in pursuit 
of her. The names of his sons were Cadmus, 
Phoenix, Cylix, Thasus, and Phineus. Cad- 
mus, as the oldest son, was to be the director 
of the expedition. Telephassa, the mother, 
resolved to accompany them, so overwhelmed 
was she with affliction at the loss of her 
daughter. Agenor himself was almost equally 
oppressed with the calamity which had over- 
whelmed them, and he charged his sons never 
to come home again until they could bring 
Europa with them. 

Telephassa and her sons wandered for a 
time in the countries east of the Mediterra- 
nean sea, without being able to obtain any 
tidings of the fugitive. At length they passed 
mto Asia Minor, and from Asia Minor into 
Thrace, a country lying north of the ^gean 
Sea. Finding no traces of their sister in any 
of these countries, the sons of Agenor became 
discouraged, and resolved to make no farther 
search ; and Telephassa, exhausted with anxi- 



80 



Romulus. 



[B.C. 1500. 



Death of Telephassa. 



Visit to the oracle at Delphi. 



ety and fatigue, and now overwhelmed with 
the thought that all hope must he finally 
abandoned, sank down and died. 




The JouRNEYiNGs OF Cadmus. 



Cadmus and his brothers were much af- 
fected at their mother's death. They made 
arrangements for her burial, in a manner be- 
fitting her high rank and station, and when 
the funeral solemnities had been perforned, 
Cadmus repaired to the oracle at Delphi, 
which was situated in the northern part of 



B.C. 1500.J Cadmus. 31 

The directions of the oracle. Cadmus finds his guide. 

Greece, not very far from Tlirace, in order 
tliat lie might inquire there whether there 
was any thing more that he conlcl do to re- 
cover his lost sister, and if so to learn what 
course he was to j)ursue. The oracle replied to 
]iim that he must search for his sister no more, 
but instead of it turn his attention wholly to 
the work of establishing a home and a king- 
dom for himself, in Greece. To this end he 
was to travel on in a direction indicated^ until 
he met with a cow of a certain kind, described 
by the oracle, and then to follow the c.w 
wherever she might lead the way, until at 
length, becoming fatigued, she should stop 
and lie down. Upon the spot where the cow 
should lie down he was to build a city and 
make it his capital. 

Cadmus obeyed these directions of the ora- 
cle. He left Delphi and went on, attended, 
as he had been in all his wanderings, by a 
troop of companions and followers, until at 
length in the herds of one of the people of 
the country, named Pelagon, he found a cow 
answering to the description of the oracle 
Taking this cow for his guide, he follov/ed 
wherever she led the way. She conducted 
him toward the southward and eastward foi 



32 EoMULUs. [B.C. 1500. 

rhe place for his dty determined. The fountain of Dirce. 

thirty or forty miles, and at length wearied, 
apparently, by her long journey, she lay 
down. Cadmus knew immediately that tliia 
was the spot where his city was to stand. 

He began immediately to make arrange- 
ments for the building of the city, but he de- 
termined first to offer the cow that had been 
his divinely appointed guide to the spot, as a 
sacrifice to Minerva, whom he always consid- 
ered as his guardian goddess. 

Near the spot where the cow lay down there 
was a small stream which issued from a foun- 
tain not far distant, called the fountain of 
Dirce. Cadmus sent some of nis men to tiie 
place to obtain some water which it was ne- 
cessary to use in the ceremonies of the sacri- 
fice. It happened, however, that this fountain 
was a sacred one, having been consecrated to 
Mars, — and there was a great dragon, a son 
of Mars, stationed there to guard it. The 
men whom Cadmus sent did not return, and 
accordingly Cadmus himself, after waiting a 
suitable time, proceeded to the spot to as- 
certain the cause of the delay. He found 
that the dragon had killed his men, and at 
the time when he arrived at the spot, the mon- 
ster was greedily devouring the bodies. Cad- 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus. 33 

The dragon's teeth. Thebea built. Cadmia. 

miis immediately attacked the dragon and 
slew him, and then tore his teeth out cf his 
head, as trophies of his victory. Minerva had 
assisted Cadmus in this combat, and when it 
was ended she directed him to plant the teeth 
of the dragon in the ground. Cadmus did so, 
and immediately a host of armed men sprung 
up from the place where he had planted them. 
Cadmus threw a stone among these armed 
men, when they immediately began to con- 
tend together in a desperate conflict, until at 
length all but Ryq of them were slain. These 
-G.Ye then joined themselves to Cadmus, and 
helped him to build his city. 

He went on very successfully after this. 
The city which ho built was Thebes, which 
afterward became greatly celebrated. The 
citadel which he erected within, he called, 
from his own name, Cadmia. 

Such were the legends which were related 
in ancient poems and tales ; and it is obvious 
ihat such narratives must have been composed 
':o entertain groups of listeners whose main 
desire was to be excited and amused, and not 
to be instructed. The stories were believed, 
no doubt, and the feith which the hearer felt 
in their truth added of course very greatly to 

O 



34 RoMULTjs. [B.C. 1500. 

Ancient ideas of probability. Belief in supernatural tales. 

the interest whicli they awakened in "his mind. 
The stories are amusing to us ; but it is im- 
possible for us to share in the deep and sol- 
emn emotion with which the ancient audiences 
listened to them, for we have not the power, 
as they had, of believing them. Such tales 
related in respect to the great actors on the 
stage in modern times, would awaken no in- 
terest, for there is too general a diffusion both 
cf historical and philosophical knowledge to 
render it possible for any one to suppose them 
to be true. But those for whom the story of 
Europa was invented, had no means of knov<" 
ing hov/ wide t]ie Mediterranean sea mighi 
be, and whether a bull might not swim acros? 
it. They did not know but that Mars might 
have a dragon for a son, and that the teeth of 
such a dragon might not, when sown in the 
ground, spring up in the form of a troop of 
armed men. They listened therefore to the 
tale with an interest all the more earnest and 
solemn on account of the marvelousness of 
the recital. They repeated it word for word 
to one another, around their camp-fires, at their 
teasts, in their journeyings, — and when watch- 
ing their flocks at midnight, among the soli- 
tudes of the mountains. Thus the tales wero 



B.C.1500.] Cadmus. 35 

Final recording of the ancient tales. 

handed down from generation to generation, 
until at length the use of the letters of Cad- 
mus became so far facilitated, that continuous 
narrations could be expressed bj means of 
them ; and then they were put permanently 
upon record in many forms, and were thus 
transmitted without any farther change to the 
present age. 



30 KoMTJLus. [L\a 1600. 

Two modes of writing. Symbols. Exampte. 



ChapteeII. 

Cadmtts's Letters. 

nflHERE are two modes essentially distinct 
-*- from eacli oilier, by whicli ideas may be 
communicated tbroiigli the medium of inscrip- 
tions addressed to the eye. These two modes 
are, first, by synnbolical^ and secondly, by 
•phonetiG characters. Each of these two sys- 
tems assumes, in fact, within itself, quite a 
variety of distinct forms, though it is only the 
general characteristics which distinguish the 
two great classes from each other, that we 
shall have occasion particularly to notice 
here. 

Symbolical writing consists of characters 
intended severally to denote ideas or things^ 
and not words. A good example of true 
symbolical writing is to be found in a cer- 
tain figure often employed among the archi- 
tectural decorations of churches, as an em- 
blem of the Deity. It consists of a triangle 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. 



37 



Example. 



Symbol of the Deity. 



Ancient Symbols. 




representing the Trinity 
with the figure of an eye 
in the middle of it. The 
eye is intended to denote 
the divine omniscience. 
Such a character as this, is 
ohviously the symbol of an 
idea, not the representative of a word. It 
may be read Jehovah, or God, or the Deity, 
or by any other word or phrase by which men 
are accustomed to denote the Supreme Being. 
It represents, in fine, the idea, and not any 
particular word by which the idea is ex- 
pressed. 

The first attempts of men to preserve rec- 
ords of facts by means of inscriptions, have, 
in all ages, and among all nations, been of 
this character. At first, the inscriptions so 
made were strictly pictures, in which the 
whole scene intended to be commemorated 
was represented, in rude carvings. In process 
of time substitutions and abridgments were 
adopted in lieu of fuU representations, and 
these grew at length into a system of hiero- 
glyphical characters, some natural, and others 
more or less arbitrary, but all denoting ideas 
or things, and not the sounds of words. These 



38 K OMUL us. [B.C. 1500. 

The Egyptian hieroglyphics phonetic. NaturU symbols. 

characters are of the kind usually tmderstoocl 
by the word hieroglyphics ; though that word 
can not now with strict accuracy be applied a a 
a distinctive appellation, since it has been as- 
certained in modern times that a large portion 
of the Egyptian hieroglyphics are of such a 
nature as brings them within the second of 
the two classes which we are here describing ; 
that is, the several delineations represent the 
sounds and syllables of words, instead of 
being symbols of ideas or things. 

It happened that in some cases in this spe- 
cies of writing, as used in ancient times, the 
characters which were employed presented in 
their form some natural resemblance to the 
thing signified, and in other cases they were 
wholly arbitrary. Thus, the figure of a scep- 
ter denoted a king, that of a lion, strength ; 
and two warriors, one with a shield, and the 
-other advancing toward the first with a bow 
and arrow, represented a battle. We use in 
fact a symbol similar to the last-mentioned 
•one at the present day, upon maps, where we 
often see a character formed by two swords 
crossed,, employed to represent a battle. 

The ancient Mexicans had a mode of writ- 
mg which seems to have been symbolical in 



B.C. 1500.J Oadmus's Lettees. 39 

Mexican record. Arbitrary symbols, 

its character, and their characters had, many 
of them at least, a natural signification. The 
different cities and towns were represented by 
drawings of such simple objects as were char- 
acteristic of them respectively ; as a plant, a 
tree, an article of manufacture, or any other 
object by which the place in question was 
most easily and naturally to be distinguished 
from other places. In one of their inscrip- 
tions, for example, there was a character rep- 
resenting a king, and before it four heads. 
Each of the heads was accompanied by the 
symbol of the capital of a province, as above 
described. The meaning of the whole inscrip- 
tion was that in a certain tumult or insurrec- 
tion ihe king caused the governors of the four 
cities to be beheaded. 

But though, in this symbolical mode of 
writing, a great many ideas and events could 
be represented thus, by means of signs or 
symbols having a greater or less resemblance 
to the thing signified, yet in many cases the 
characters used were wholly arbitrary. They 
were in this respect like the character which 
we use to denote dolla/rs^ as a prefix to a num- 
ber expressing money ; for this character is a 
sort of symbol, that is, it represents a thing 



40 Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 

Advantages of the symbolical mode of writing. 

ratlier than a word. Our numerals, too, 1, 2, 
3, &c., are in some respects of the character 
of symbols. That is, they stand directly for 
the numbers themselves, and not for the 
sounds of the words by which the numbers 
are expressed. Hence, although the people 
of different European nations understand them 
all alike, they read them, in words, very dif- 
ferently. The Englishman reads them by one 
set of words, the Spaniard by another, and 
the German and the Italian by others still. 

The symbolical mode of writing possesses 
some advantages which must not be over- 
looked. It speaks directly to the eye, and 
is m.ore full of meaning than the Phonetic 
method, though the meaning is necessarily 
more vague and indistinct, in some respects, 
while it is less so in others. For example, 
in an advertising newspaper, the simple fig- 
ure of a house, or of a ship, or of a loco- 
motive engine, at the head of an advertise- 
ment, is a sort of hieroglyphic, which says 
much more plainly and distinctly, and in 
much shorter time, than any combination of 
letters could do, that what follows it is an 
advertisement relating to a house, or a vessel, 
or a railroad. In the same manner, the au- 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. '41 

The meaning of them more easily understood. 

cient representations on moniiments and col- 
umns would communicate, perhaps more rap* 
i ily and readily to the passer-by, an idea of 
the battles, the sieges, the marches, and the 
other great exploits of the monarchs whose 
history they were intended to record, than an 
inscription in words would have done. 

Another advantage of the symbolical rep- 
resentations as used in ancient times, was 
that their meaning could be more readily 
explained, and would be more easily remem- 
bered, and so explained again, than written 
words. To learn to read literal writing in 
any language, is a work of very great labor. 
It is, in fact, generally found that it must be 
commenced early in life, or it can not be ac- 
complished at all. An inscription, therefore, 
in words, on a Mexican monument, that a 
certain king suppressed an insurrection, and 
beheaded the governors of four of his prov- 
inces, would be wholly blind and unintelli- 
gible to the mass of the population of such a 
country; and if the learned sculptor who 
inscribed it, were to attempt to explain it to 
\hem, letter by letter, they would forget the 
beginning of the lesson before reaching the 
end of it, — and could never be expected to 



42 Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 

Comparison of the two systema. 

attempt extending the knowledge by making 
known the interpretation which they had re- 
ceived to others in their turn. But the royal 
scepter, with the four heads before it, each of 
the heads accompanied by the appropriate 
symbol of the city to which the possessor of 
it belonged, formed a symbolical congeries 
which expressed its meaning at once, and 
very plainly, to the eye. The most ignorant 
and uncultivated could readily understand it. 
Once understanding it, too, they could never 
easily forget it ; and they could, without any 
difficulty, explain it fully to others as ignorant 
and uncultivated as themselves. 

It might seem, at first view, that a symbol- 
ical mode of writing must be more simple in 
its character than the system now in use, in- 
asmuch as by that plan each idea or object 
would be expressed by one character alone, 
w^hereas, by our mode of writing, several 
characters, sometimes as many as eight or 
ten, are required to express a word, which 
word, after all, represents only one single 
object or idea. But notwithstanding this ap- 
parent simplicity, the system of symbolical 
writing proved to be, when extensively em- 
ployed, extremely complicated and intricato. 



B.0. 1500.] Cadmus's Leiters. 43 

Further comparison of the two systemfl. 

It is true that each idea required but one 
character, but the number of ideas and ob- 
jects, and of words expressive of their rela- 
tions to one another, is so vast, that the sys- 
tem of representing them by independent 
symbols, soon lost itself in an endless intricacy 
of detail. Then, besides, — notwithstanding 
what has been said of the facility with which 
symbolical inscriptions could be interpreted, 
— they were, after all, extremely difficult to 
be understood without interpretation. An 
inscription once explained, the explanation 
was easily understood and remembered ; but 
it was very difficult to understand one in- 
tended to express any new communication. 
The system was, therefore, well adapted to 
commemorate what was already known, but 
was of little service as a mode of communi- ^ 
eating knowledge anew. 

We come now to consider the second grand 
class of written characters, namely, the j[>]io-- 
netie^ the class which Cadmus introduced into" 
Greece, and the one almost universally adopt- 
ed among all the European nations at the 
present day. It is called Phonetic, from a 
Greek word denoting sounds because the 
characters which are used do not denote 




44 Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 

Two modes of representing the idea of a battle. 

directly the thing itself which is signified, but 
the sounds made in speaking the word which 
signifies it. Take, for in- 
stance, the two modes of 
representing a conflict be- 
tween two contending ar- 
mies, one by the symbolic 
delineation of two swords 
crossed, and the other by 
the phonetic delineation of 
R/MTTri! iF ^^® letters of the word bat- 
tle. They are both inscrip- 
tions. The beginning of 
the first represents the handle of the sword, 
a part, as it were, of the thing signified. The 
beginning of the second, the letter Z>, repre- 
sents the pressing of the lips together, by 
which we commence pronouncing the word. 
Thus the one mode is symbolical^ and the 
other phonetic. 

On considering the two methods, as exem- 
plified in this simple instance, we shall ob- 
serve that what has already been pointed out 
as characteristic of the two modes is here seen 
to be true. The idea is conveyed in the sym- 
bolical mode by one character, while by the 
phonetic it requires no less than six. This 



B.C. 1500.] Oadmus's Letters. 45 

Great ad"antages of the phonetic mode of writing. 

seems at first view to indicate a great advan • 
tage possessed by tlie symbolical system. 
But on reflection tbis advantage is found en- 
tirely to disappear. For tbe symbolical char- 
acter, though it is only one, will answer for 
only the single idea which it denotes. Neither 
itself nor any of its elements will aid us in 
forming a s}anbol for any other idea ; and as 
the ideas, objects, and relations which it is 
necessary to be able to express, in order to 
make free and full communications in any 
language, are from fifty to a hundred thou- 
sand, — the step which we have taken, though 
very simple in itself, is the beginning of a 
course which must lead to the most endless 
intricacy and complication. Whereas in the 
six phonetic characters of the word battle, v/e 
have elements which can be used again and 
again, in the expression of thousands of other 
ideas. In fact, as the phonetic characters 
w^hich are found necessary in most languages 
arc only about twenty-four, we have in that 
dingle word accomplished one quarter of tho 
whole task, so far as the delineation of char- 
acters is concerned, that is necessary for ex- 
■Dressing by writing any possible combination 
of ideas which human language can convey. 



4:G Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 

Uncertainty of the origin of phonetic writing. 

At what time and in what manner the tran- 
sition was made among the ancient nations 
from the symbolic to the phonetic mode of 
writing, is not now known. "VYheu in the 
flourishing periods of the Grecian and Roman 
states, learned men explored the literary 
records of the various nations of the East, 
writings were found in all, which were ex- 
pressed in phonetic characters, and the alpha- 
bets of these characters were found to be so 
analogous to each other, in the names and 
order, and in some respects in the forms, of 
the letters, as to indicate strongly something 
like community of origin. All the attempts, 
however, which have been made to ascertain 
the origin of the system, have wholly failed, 
and no account of them goes farther back 
than to the time when Cadmus brought them 
from Phenicia or Egypt into Greece. 

The letters which Cadmus brought were in 
number sixteen. The following table presents 
a view of his alphabet, presenting in the sev- 
eral columns, the letters themselves as subse- 
quently written in Greece, the Greek names 
given to them, and their power as represented 
by the letters now in use. The forms, it wir 
be seen, have been but little changed. 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. 



47 



Cadmus's alphabet. 


Difficulties attending the introduction of IL 


Greek letters. 


Greek names. 


English represontatirei. 


A 


Alpha 


A 


B 


Beta 


B 


r 


Gamma 


G 


J 


Delta 


D 


E 


Epsilon 


E 


I 


Iota 


I 


A 


Lamda 


L 


M 


Mu 


M 


N 


Nu 


N 





micron 





n 


Pi 


P 


p 


Rho 


R 


^ 


Sigma 


S 


T 


Tau 


T 


r 


Upsilon 


U 



The phonetic alphabet of Cadmus, thougti 
80 vastly superior to any system of symbolical 
hieroglyphics, for all purposes where any 
thing like verbal accuracy was desired, was 
still very slow in coming into general use. It 
was of course, at first, very difficult to write it, 
and very diflicult to read it when written. 
There was a very great practical obstacle, too, 
in the way of its general introduction, in the 
v^ant of any suitable materials for writing. 
To cut letters with a chisel and a mallet upon 



48 Romulus. [B.C. 1500, 

Different modes of writing. 

fi surface of marble is a very slow and toil- 
some process. To diminisli this labor the an- 
cients contrived tables of brass, copper, lead, 
find sometimes of wood, and cut the inscrip- 
tions upon them by the use of various tools 
and implements. Still it is obvious, that by 
such methods as these the art of writing could 
only be used to an extremely limited extent, 
such as for brief inscriptions in registers and 
upon monuments, where a very few words 
would express all that it was necessary to re- 
cord. 

In process of time, however, the plan of 
painting the letters by means of a black dye 
upon a smooth surface, w^as introduced. The 
surface employed to receive these inscriptions 
was, at first, the skin of some animal prepared 
for this purpose, and the dye used for ink, 
was a colored liquid obtained from a certain 
fish. This method of writing, though in some 
respects more convenient than the others, was 
still slow, and the materials were expensive ; 
and it was a long time before the new art was 
employed for any thing like continuous com- 
position. Cadmus is supposed to have come 
into Greece about the year 1550 before Christ; 
and it was not until about 650 before Christ, 



B.C. 1500] (Jadmtts's Letters. 49 

The art of writing at first very little used. 

— that is, nearly nine hundred years later, that 
the art of writing was resorted to in Greece to 
record laws. 

The evidences that writing was very little 
used in any way during this long period of 
nine hundred years, are furnished in various 
allusions contained in poems and narratives 
that were composed during those times, and 
committed to writing afterward. In the 
poems of Homer, for instance, there is no al- 
lusion, from the beginning to the end, to any 
monument or tomb containing any inscription 
whatever ; although many occasions occur in 
which such inscriptions would have been 
made, if the events described were real, and 
the art of writing had been generally known, 
or would have been imagined to be made, if 
the narratives were invented. In one case a 
ship-master takes a cargo on board, and he is 
represented as having to remember all the 
articles, instead of making a record of them. 
Another case still more striking is adduced. 
In the course of the contest around the walls 
of Troy, the Grecian leaders are described at 
one time as drawing lots to determine which 
of them should fight a certain Trojan cham- 
pion. The lots were prepared, being mado 

D 



50 EoMULus. [B.C. 150D. 

Proofs of this Story of the lots. 

of some substance that could be marked, and 
when ready, were distributed to the several 
leaders. Each one of the leaders then marked 
his lot in some way, taking care to remembei 
what character he had made upon it. The 
lots were then all put into a helmet, and the 
helmet was given to a herald, who was to 
shake it about in such a manner, if possible, 
as to throw out one of the lots and leave the 
others in. The leader whose lot it was that 
should be thus shaken out, was to be consid- 
ered as the one designated by the decision, to 
fight the Trojan champion. 

J^ow, in executing this plan, the herald, 
when he had shaken out a lot, and had taken 
it up from the ground, is represented, in the 
narrative, as not knowing whose it was, and 
as carrying it around, accordingly^, to all the 
different leaders, to find the one who could 
recognize it as his own. A certain chief 
named Ajax recognized it, and in this way he 
was designated for the combat. Now it is 
Bupposed, that if these men had been able to 
write, that they would have inscribed theii 
own names upon the lots, instead of marking 
them with unmeaning characters. And even 
if they werp not practiced writers themselves^ 



B.C. 1500.] Oadmus's Letters. 51 

Other instances The invention of papyrus. 

some secretary or scribe would have been 
called u]DorL to act for tliem on such an occa- 
sion as thisj if tlie art of writing bad been at 
that time so generally known as to be custom- 
arily employed on public occasions. From 
these and similar indications which are found, 
on a careful examination, in the Homeric 
poems, learned men have concluded that they 
were composed and repeated orally, at a pe- 
riod of the world when the art of writing was 
very little known, and that they were handed 
down from generation to generation, through 
the memory of those who repeated them, un- 
til at last the art of writing became estab- 
lished among mankind, when they were at 
length put permanently upon record. 

It seems that writins; was not much em- 
ployed for any of the ordinary and private 
I'Urposes of life by the people of Greece until 
the article called papyrus was introduced 
among them. This took place about the year 
600 before Christ, when laws began first to 
be written. Papyrus, like the art of writing 
upon it, came originally from Egypt. It was 
obtained from a tree which it seems grew only 
in that country. The tree flourished in tho 
low lands along the margin of the I^ile. It 



52 E OMUL ITS. [B.C. 1500. 

Mode of manufacturing papyrus. Volumeb. 

grew to the height of about ten feet. The 
paper obtained from it was formed from a 
sort of inner bark, which consisted of thin 
sheets or pellicles growing around the wood. 
The paper was manufactured in the following 
manner. A sheet of the thin bark as taken 
from the tree, was laid flat upon a board, and 
then a cross layer was laid over it, the mate- 
rials having been previously moistened with 
water made slightly glutinous. The sheet 
thus formed was pressed and dried in the sun. 
The placing of two layers of the bark in this 
manner across each other was intended to 
strengthen the texture of the sheet, for the 
fibers, it was found, were very easily separated 
and torn so long as they lay wholly in one 
direction. The sheet when dry was finished 
by smoothing the surface, and prepared to re- 
ceive inscriptions made by means of a pen 
fashioned from a reed or a quill. 

In forming the papyrus into books it was 
customary to use a long sheet or web of it, and 
roll it upon a stick, as is the custom in respect 
to maps at the present day. The writing was 
in columns, each of which formed a sort of 
page, the reader holding the ends of the roll in 
his two hands, and reading at the part which 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. 53 

Mode of using ancient books. Ink. 

was open between them. Of course, as liv 
advanced, he continually unrolled on one side, 
and rolled up upon the other. Eolls of parch- 
ment were often made in the same manner. 

The term volume used in respect to modern 
books, had its origin in this ancient practice 
of writing upon long rolls. The modern prac- 
tice is certainly much to be preferred, though 
the ancient one was far less inconvenient 
than might at first be supposed. The long 
sheet was rolled upon a wooden billet, which 
gave to the volume a certain firmness and 
solidity, and afibrded it great protection. 
The ends of this roller 23rojected beyond the 
edges of the sheet, and were terminated in 
knobs or bosses, which guarded in some meas- 
ure the edges of the papyrus or of the parch- 
ment. The whole volume was also inclosed 
in a parchment case, on the outside of which 
the title of the work was conspicuously re- 
corded. Many of these ancient rolls havo 
been found at ITerculaneum. 

For ink, various colored liquids were used, 
generally black, but sometimes red and some- 
times green. The black ink was sometimes 
manufactured from a species of lampblack or 
ivorv black, such as is often used in modern 



54 EoMULus. [B.C. 16i>0 

Ink found at Herculaneum. 

times for painting. Some specimens of tha 
inkstands whicli were used in ancient times 
Lave been found at Herculaneum, and one of 
them contained ink, whicli though too thick 
to flow readily from the pen, it was still pos* 
Bible to write with. It was of about the con- 
sistence of oil. 

These rolls of papyrus and parchment, bow- 
ever, were only used for important writings 
which it was intended permanently to pre- 
serve. For ordinary occasions tablets of wax 
and other similar materials were used, upon 
which the writer traced the characters with 
the point of a steel instrument called a style. 
The head of the style was smooth and roimded, 
so that a,ny words which the writer wished to 
erase might be obliterated by smoothing over 
again, with it, the wax on whicli they had 
been written. 

Such is a brief history of the rise and pro- 
gress of the art of writing in the States of 
Greece. Whether the phonetic j)rincipl() 
which Cadmus introduced was brought origi- 
nally from Egypt, or from the counti-ies on 
the eastern shore of the Mediterranean sea, 
can not now be ascertained. It has generally 
been supposed among mankind, at least until 



B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. 55 

Recent discoveries in respect to the Egyptian hieroglyphics. 

within a recent period, tliat the art of phonetic 
wi-iting did not originate in Egypt, for the 
inscriptions on all the ancient monuments in 
that conntry are of snch a character that it 
lias always been snpposed that they were 
symbolical characters altogether, and that no 
traces of any phonetic writing existed in that 
Land. Within the present century, however, 
the discovery has been made that a large 
portion of these hieroglyphics are phonetic in 
their character ; and that the learned world in 
attemj)ting for so many centuries, in vain, to 
affix symbolical meanings to them, had been 
altogether upon the wrong track. The delin- 
eations, though they consist almost wholly of 
the forms of plants and animals, and of other 
natural and artificial objects, are not symbol- 
ical representations of ideas, but letters, rep- 
resenting sounds and words. They are thus 
precisely similar, in principle, to the letters 
of Cadmus, though wholly different from them 
in form. 

To enable the reader to obtain a clearer 
idea of the nature of this discovery, we give 
on the adjoining page some specimens of 
Egyptian inscriptions found in various parts 
of the country, and which are interpreted to 



56 



Romulus. [B.C. 1500. 



Specimen of Egyptian hieroglypliics. 








KEY 



D 

c 

m 
a 



it 



i 

a 
a, 
o 

A 
A 

t 
r 

A 




B.C. 1500.] Cadmus's Letters. 57 



Explanation of the figures. 



express the name Cleopatra, a very common 
name for princesses of the royal line in Egypt 
(luring the dynasty of the Ptolemy's. We 
mark the various figures forming the inscrip- 
tion, with the letters which modern interpre- 
ters have assigned to them. It will be seen 
that they all spell, rudely indeed, but yet tol- 
erably distinctly, the name C leopatea. 

By a careful examination of these speci 
mens, it will be seen that the order of placing 
the letters, if such hieroglyphical characters 
can be so called, is not regular, and the let- 
ter «, which is denoted by a bird in some 
of the specimens, is represented differently in 
others. There are also two characters at the 
close of each inscription which are not repre- 
sented by any letter, the one being of the 
form of an egg, and the other a semicircle. 
These last are supposed to denote the sex of 
the sovereign whose name they are connected 
with, as they are found in many cases in in- 
scriptions commemorative of princesses and 
queens. They are accordingly specimens of 
symbolic characters, while all the others in the 
name are phonetic. 

It seems therefore not improbable that the 
principle of forming a written language by 



58 KoMFLUs. [B.C. 1500. 

Closes in Egypt. Importance of the art of writing. 

means of cliaracters representing the sounda 
of which the words of the spoken language 
are composed, was of Egyptian origin ; and 
that it was carried in very early times to the 
countries on the eastern shore of the Mediter- 
ranean sea, and there improved upon by the 
adoption of a class of characters more simple 
than, the hieroglyphics of Egypt, and of a 
form more convenient for a regular linear ar- 
rangement in writing. Moses, who spent his 
early life in Egypt, and who was said to be 
learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, 
may have acquired the art of writing there. 

However this may be, and whatever may 
be the uncertainty which hangs over the early 
history of this art, one thing is certain, and 
that is, that the discovery of the art of writ- 
ing, including that of printing, which is only 
the consummation and perfection of it,— the 
art by which man can record language, and 
give life and power to the record to speak to 
the eye permanently and forever — to go to 
every nation — to address itself simultaneously 
to millions of minds, and to endure through 
all time, is by far the greatest discovery, in 
respect to the enlargement which it makes of 
human powers, that has ever been made. 



B.C. 1200.] Story OF ^NEAs. 59 

Story of iEneas remained long unwritten. 



Chapter II. 

The Story of ^neas. 

lESIDES the intrinsic interest and impor- 
tance of the facts stated in the last chap- 
ter, to the student of history, there was a 
special reason for calling the attention of the 
reader to them here, that he might know in 
what light the story of the destruction of Troy, 
and of the wanderings of ^neas, the great 
ancestor of Homulus, which we now proceed 
to relate, is properly to be regarded. The 
events connected with the destruction of Troy, 
took place, if they ever occurred at all, about 
the year twelve hicndred before Christ. Ho- 
mer is supposed to have lived and composed 
his poems about the year nine hundred ; and 
the art of writing is thought to have been first 
employed for the purpose of recording contin- 
uous compositions, about the year six hundred, 
The story of ^neas then, so far as it has any 
claims to historical truth, is a tale which was 
handed down by oral tradition, among story- 
tellers for three hund]*ed years, and then waij 



60 EoMULUs. [B.C. 1200. 

Mother of ^neas. Her origin. 

clotJied ill yerse, and handed down in that 
form orally by the memory of the reciters of 
it, in generations successive for three hundred 
years more, before it was recorded ; and dur- 
ing the whole period of this transmission, the 
interest felt in it was not the desire for ascer- 
taining and communicating historic truth, but 
simply for entertaining companies of listeners 
with the details of a romantic story. The 
story, therefore, can not be relied upon as his- 
torically true ; but it is no less important on 
that account, that all well-informed persons 
should know what it is. 

The mother of ^neas (as the story goes), 
was a celebrated goddess. Her name was 
Aphrodite ;* though among the Komans she 
afterward received the name of Yenus. Aph- 
rodite was not born of a mother, like ordinary 
mortals, but sprang mysteriously and super- 
naturally from a foam which gathered on a 
certain occasion upon the surface of the sea 
At the commencement of her existence slie 
crept out upon the shores of an island that 
was near, — the island of Cythera, — which, lies 
Bouth of the Peloponnesus. 

* Pronounced in four syllables, Aph-ro-di4i? 



B.C. 1200.] Story of ZEneas. 



61 



Early history of Venus. 



Her magical powers. 




Origin of Venus. 



She was the goddess of love, of beauty, and 
of fruitfuhiess ; and so extraordinary were the 
magical powers which were inherent from 
the beginning, in her very nature, that as she 
walked along upon the sands of the shore, 
when she first emerged from the sea, plants 
and flowers of the richest verdure and beauty 
sprang up at her feet wherever she stepped. 
She was, besides, in her own person, inexpres- 
sibly beautiful ; and in addition to the natural 
influence of her charms, she was endued with 
the supernatural power of inspiring the senti- 
ment of love in all who beheld her. 

From Cythera the goddess made her way 
over by sea to Cyprus, where she remained for 
some time, amid the gorgeous and magnificent 
scenery of that enchanting island. Here she 



(52 Romulus. [B.C. 1200. 

Her children Eros and Anteros. She goes to Olympus. 

had two cliildren, beautiful boys. Their names 
were Eros and Anteros. Each of these chil- 
dren remained perj^etually a child, and Eros, 
in later times called Cupid, became the god 
of "love bestowed," while Anteros was the 
God of "love returned." After this the 
mother and the bojs roamed about the world, 
■ — now in the heavenly regions above, and 
now among mortals on the plains and in the 
valleys below : they sometimes appeared 
openly, in their true forms, sometimes they 
assumed disguises, and sometimes they were 
wholly invisible ; but whether seen or unseen, 
they were always busy in performing their 
functions — the mother inspiring everywhere, 
in the minds both of gods and men, the ten- 
derest sentiments of beauty and desire, — 
while Eros, awakened love in the heart of one 
person for another, and Anteros made it his 
duty to tease and punish those who thus be- 
came objects of affection, if they did not re- 
turn the love. 

After some time. Aphrodite and her boys 
found their way to the heavenly regions of 
Mount Olympus, where the great divinities 
resided,^" and there they soon produced great 

* See Map, page 61. 



B.C. 1200.] Story OF JEneas. 63 

AphrotUte'a love for Anchiscs. The golden apple. 

trouble, by enldiidling the flames of love in 
the hearts of the divinities themselves, caus- 
ing them, by her magic pov/er, to fall in love not 
only with one another, but also with mortal 
men and women on the earth below. In re- 
taliation upon Aphrodite for this mischief, 
Jupiter, by his supreme power, inspired Aph- 
rodite herself with a sentiment of love. The 
object of her affection was Anchises, a hand- 
some youth, of the royal family of Troy, who 
lived among the mountains of Ida, not far 
from the city. 

The way in which it happened that the af- 
fection of Aphrodite turned toward an inhab- 
itant of Mount Ida was this. There had been 
at one time a marriage among the divinities, 
and a certain goddess who had not been in- 
vited to the wedding, conceived the design 
of avenging herself for the neglect, by pro- 
voking a quarrel among those who were there. 
She, accordingly, caused a beautiful golden 
apple to be made, with an inscription marked 
upon it, "For the most beautiful." This 
apple she threw in among the guests assem- 
bled at the wedding. The goddesses all 
claimed the prize, and a very earnest dispute 
arose among them in respect to it. Jupiter 



64 lioMULTJs. [B.C. 1200. 

The award of Paris. Venus's residence at Mt. Ida. 

sent the several claimants, under the charge 
of a special messenger, to Mount Ida, to a 
handsome and accomplished young shepherd 
there, named Paris — ^who was, in fact, a prince 
in disguise — ^that they might exhibit them- 
selves to him, and submit the question of the 
right to the apple to his award. The contend- 
ing goddesses appeared accordingly before 
Paris, and each attempted to bribe him to de- 
cide in her favor, by offering him some pe- 
culiar and tempting reward. Paris gave the 
apple to Aphrodite, and she was so pleased 
with the result, that she took Paris under her 
special protection, and made the solitudes of 
Mount Ida one of her favorite retreats. 

Here she saw and became acquainted with 
Anchises, who was, as has already been said, 
a noble, or prince, by descent, though he had 
for some time been dwelling away from the 
city, and among the mountains, rearing flocks 
and herds. Here Aphrodite saw him, and 
wlien Jupiter inspired her with a sudden sus- 
ceptibility to the power of love, the shepherd 
Anchises was the object toward which lier 
affections turned. She accordingly went to 
Mount Ida, and giving herself up to him, she 
lived with him for some time among the 



B.C. 1200.] Stoky OF JEneas. 65 

Aphrodite's asnimed character. She leaves Anchises. 

mountains as his bride, ^neas was their 
eon. 

Aphrodite did not, however, appear to An- 
chises in lier true character, but assumed, 
instead, the form and the disguise of a Phry- 
gian princess. Phrjgia was a kingdom of 
Asia Minor, not very far from Troy. She con- 
tinued this disguise as long as she remained 
with Anchises at Mount Ida ; at length, how- 
ever, she concluded to leave him, and to 
return to Olympus, and at her parting she 
made herself known. She, however, charged 
Anchises never to reveal to any person who 
she was, declaring that ^neas, whom she 
was going to leave with his father when she 
went away, would be destroyed by a stroke 
of lightning from heaven, if the real truth in 
respect to his mother were ever revealed. 

When Aphrodite had gone, Anchises, hav- 
ing now no longer any one at home to attend 
to the rearing of the child, send him to Dar- 
danus, a city to the northward of Troy, where 
he was brought up in the house of his sister, 
the daughter of Anchises, who was married 
and settled there. His having a sister old 
enough to be married, would seem to show 
that youth was not one of the attractions of 

E 



OG EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

Childhood of ^neas. The Trojan war. Achilles. 

Ancliises in Aphrodite's eyes, ^neas re- 
mained with his sister until he was old enough 
to be of service in the care of flocks and herds, 
and then returned again to his former resi- 
dence among the pasturages of the mountains. 
His mother, though she had left him, did not 
forget her child ; but watched over him con- 
tinually, and interposed directly to aid or to 
protect him, whenever her aid was required 
by the occurrence of any emergency of diffi- 
culty or danger. 

At length the Trojan war broke out. For 
a time, however, ^neas took no part in it. 
He was jealous of the attentions which Priam, 
the king of Troy, paid to other young men, 
and fancied that he himself was overlooked, 
and that the services that he might render 
were undervalued. He remained, therefore, 
at his home among the mountains, occupying 
himself with his flocks and herds ; and he 
might, perhaps, have continued in these peace- 
ful avocations to the end of the war, had it 
not been that Achilles, one of the most formi- 
dable of the Grecian leaders, in one of his 
forays in the country around Troy, in search 
of provisions, came upon J^neas's territory, 
and attacked him while tending his flocks 



B.C. 1200.] Stoky OF Ji:NEAs. 69 

.■Eneas engages in the war. Story of Pandarus. 

upon the mountain side. Acliilles seized tlie 
flocks and herds, and drove ^neas and his 
fellow-herdsmen away. They w^ould, in fact, 
all have been killed, had not Aphrodite in- 
terposed to protect her son and save his life. 

The loss of his flocks and herds, and the 
injury which he himself had received, aroused 
^neas's indignation and anger against the 
Greeks. He immediately raised an armed 
force of Dardanians, and thenceforth took an 
active i:)art in the war. He became one of 
the most distinguished among the combatants, 
for his prowess and his bravery ; and being 
always assisted by his mother in his conflicts, 
and rescued by her when in danger, he per- 
formed prodigies of strength and valor. 

At one time he pressed forward into the 
thickest of the battle to rescue a Trojan leader 
named Pandarus, who was beset by his foes 
and brought into very imminent danger, 
^neas did not succeed in saving his friend. 
Pandarus was killed, ^neas, however, flew 
to the spot, and by means of the most extra 
ordinary feats of strength and valor he drove 
the Greeks away from the body. They at- 
tacked it on every side, but ^neas, wheeling 
around it, and fighting now on thia side an J 



70 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

iSneas reBCued by his mother. Her magic vail. 

now on that, drove tliem all away. They re~ 
tired to a little distance and then began to 
throw in a shower of spears and darts and ar- 
rows npon him. ^neas defended himself 
and the body of his friend from these missiles 
for a time, with his shield. At length, how- 
ever, he was struck in the thigh with a pon- 
derous stone which one of the Greek warriors 
hurled at him, — a stone so heavy that two 
men of ordinary strength w^ould have been 
required to lift it. ^neas was felled to the 
ground by the blow. He sank down, resting 
upon his arm, faint and dizzy, and being thus 
made helpless w^ould have immediately been 
overpowered and killed by his assailants had 
not his mother interposed. She came imme- 
diately to rescue him. She spread her vail 
over him, which had the magic power of ren- 
dering harmless all blows which were aimed 
at what was covered by it, and then taking 
him up in her arms she bore him off through 
the midst of his enemies unharmed. The 
swords, spears, and javelins which were aimed 
at him were rendered powerless by the magic 
vail. 

Aphrodite, however, flying thus with her 
wounded son, mother-like, left herself exposed 



B.C.1200.] Story OF ^NEAs. 71 

Venus i8 wounded. Iris conveys her away. 

in her anxiety to protect him. Diomedes, the 
cliief of the pursuers, following headlong on^ 
aimed a lance at Yenus herself. The lance 
struck Yenus in the hand, and inflicted a very 
severe and painful wound. It did not, how- 
ever, stop her flight. She pressed swiftly on, 
while Diomedes, satisfied with his revenge, 
gave up the pursuit, but called out to Aphro- 
dite as she disappeared from view, bidding 
her learn from the lesson which he had given 
her that it w^ould be best for her thenceforth 
to remain in her own appropriate sphere, and 
not come down to the earth and interfere in 
the contests of mortal men. 

Aphrodite, after conveying ^neas to a place 
of safety, fled, herself, faint and bleeding, to 
the mountains, where, after ascending to the 
region of mists and clouds, Iris, the beautiful 
goddess of the rainbow, came to her aid. Iria 
found her faint and pale from the loss of blood ; 
she did all in her power to soothe and comfort 
the wounded goddess, and then led her far- 
ther still among the mountains to a place 
where they found Mars, the god of w^ar, stand- 
ing with his chariot. Mars was Aphrodite's 
brother. He took compassion upon his sister 
in her distress, and lent Iris his chariot and 



72 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

Single combat between iEneas and Achilles. 

norses, to convey Aphrodite home. Aphro 
dite ascended into the chariot, and Iris took 
the reins ; and thus they rode through the air 
to the mountains of Olympus. Here the gods 
and goddesses of heaven gathered around 
their unhappy sister, bound up lier wound, 
and expressed great sympathy for her in her 
sufferings, uttering at the same time many 
piteous complaints against the merciless vio- 
lence and inhumanity of men. Such is the 
ancient tale of ^neas and his mother. 

At a later period in the history of the war, 
^neas had a grand combat with Achilles, 
who was the most terrible of all the Grecian 
warriors, and was regarded as the grand 
champion of their cause. The two armies 
were drawn up in battle array. A vast open 
space was left between them on the open 
plain. Into this space the two combatants 
advanced, yEneas on the one side and Achillea 
on the other, in full view of all the troops, 
and of the throngs of spectators assembled to 
witness the proceedings. 

A "very strong and an universal interest was 
felt in the approaching combat, ^neas, be- 
sides the prodigious strength and bravery for 
which he was renowned, was to be divinely 



B.C.1200.] Stokt OF ^NEAs. 73 

The charmed life of Achilles. His shield. 

aided, it was known, by the protection of hie 
mother, who was always at hand to guide and 
support him in the conflict, and to succor him 
in danger. Achilles, on the other hand, pos- 
sessed a charmed life. He had been dipped 
by his mother Thetis, when an infant, in the 
river Styx, to render him invulnerable and 
immortal ; and the immersion produced the 
effect intended in respect to all those parts ot 
tlie body which the water laved. As, how 
ever, Thetis held the child by the ankles when 
she plunged liim in, the ankles remained un 
affected by the magic influence of the water. 
All the other ]3arts of the body were rendered 
incajDable of receiving a wound. 

Achilles had a very beautiful and costly 
shield which his mother had caused to be 
made for him. It was formed of five plates 
of metal. The outermost plates on each side 
were of brass ; in the centre was a plate of 
gold ; and between the central plate of gold 
and the outer ones of brass were two other 
plates, one on each side, made of some third 
aietal The workmanship of this shield was 
of the most elaborate and beautiful character 
The mother of Achilles had given this weapon 
to her son when he left home to join tlio 



74 EoMULus. [-B.C. 1200. 

The meeting of ^neas and Achilles on the field. 

Greeks in the Trojan war, not trusting entirely 
it seems to his magical invulnerability. 

The armies looked on with great interest aa 
these two chamj)ions advanced to meet each 
other, while all the gods and goddesses sur- 
veyed the scene with almost equal interest, 
from their abodes above. Some joined Yenus 
in the sympathy which she felt for her son, 
while others espoused the cause of Achilles. 
When the two combatants had approached 
each other, they paused before commencing 
the conflict, as is usual in such cases, and sur- 
veyed each other with looks of anger and de- 
fiance. At length Achilles spoke. He began 
to upbraid ^neas for his infatuation and folly 
in engaging in the war, and especially for 
coming forward to put his life at hazard by 
encountering such a champion as was now 
before him. "What can you gain," said he, 
" even if you conquer in this warfare ? You 
can never be king, even if you succeed in 
saving the city. I know you claim to be 
descended from the royal line ; but Priam has 
8on3 who are the direct and immediate heirs, 
and your claims can never be allowed. Then, 
besides, what folly to attempt to contend witb 
me ! Me, the strongest, bravest, and mosi 



B.C. 1200.] Stoky OF ^NEAs. 75 



The harangues of the combatants. 



terrible of the Greeks, and the special favorite 
of many deities." With this introduction 
Achilles went on to set forth the greatness of 
his pedigree, and the loftiness of his preten- 
Bions to superiority over all others in personal 
prowess and valor, in a manner very eloquent 
indeed, and in a style which it seems was very 
much admired in those days as evincing only 
a proper spirit and energy, — though in our 
times such a harangue would be very apt to 
be regarded as only a vainglorious and 
empty boasting. 

^neas replied, — retorting with vauntinga 
on his side no less spirited and energetic than 
those which Achilles had expressed. He 
gave a long account of his pedigree, and of 
his various claims to lofty consideration. He, 
however, said, in conclusion, that it was idle 
and useless for them to waste their time in 
such a w^ar of words, and so he hurled his 
spear at Achilles with all his force, as a token 
of the commencement of the battle. 

The spear struck the shield of Achilles, and 
impinged upon it w^ith such force that it pen 
etrated through two of the plates of metal 
which composed the shield, and reached the 
central plate of gold, where the force witb 



•76 EoMULUs. [B.C. 120a 

The battle begun. Narrow escape. 

which it had been throwa being spent, it was 
arrested and fell to the ground. Achilles 
then exerting his utmost strength threw liis 
spear in return, ^neas crouched down to 
avoid the shock of the weapon, holding his 
shield at the same time above his head, and 
bracing himself with all his force against the 
approaching concussion. Tiie spear struck 
the shield near the upper edge of it, as it w^as 
held in yEneas's hands. It passed directly 
through the plates of which the shield was 
composed, and then continuing its course, it 
glided dow^n just over ^neas's back, and 
planted itself deep in the ground behind him, 
and stood there quivering, ^neas crept ont 
from beneath it with a look of horror. 

Immediately after throwing his spear, and 
perceiving that it had failed of its intended 
effect, Achilles drew his sword and rushed 
forward to engage ^neas, hand to hand.. 
JEneas himself recovering in an instant from 
the consternation which his narrow escape 
from impalement had awakened, seized an 
enormous stone, heavier, as Homer represents 
it, than any tw^o ordinary men could lift, and 
was about to hurl it at his advancing foe. 
when suddenly the -whole combat was termi- 



B.C. 1200.] Stoky OF ^NEAs. 77 

Sudden termination of the combat. 

nated by a very unexpected interposition. It 
seems that the various gods and goddesses, 
from their celestial abodes among the sum- 
mits of Olympus, had assembled in invisiblo 
forms to witness this combat — some sympa- 
thizing with and upholding one of the comba- 
tants, and some the other. ]^eptune was on 
^neas's side ; and accordingly when he saw 
how imminent the danger was which threat- 
ened ^neas, when Achilles came rushing 
upon him with his uplifted sword, he at once 
resolved to interfere. He immediately rushed, 
himself, between the combatants. He brought 
a sudden and supernatural mist over the 
scene, such as the God of the Sea has always 
at his command ; and this mist at once con- 
cealed ^neas from Achilles 's view. IS'ep- 
tune drew the spear out of the ground, and 
released it too from the shield which remained 
still pinned down by it ; and then threw the 
spear down at Achilles's feet. He next seized 
^neas, and lifting him high above the ground 
he bore him away in an invisible form over 
the heads of soldiers and horsemen that had 
been drawn up in long lines around the field 
of combat. When the mist passed away 
Achilles saw his spear lying at his feet, and 



78 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

The tales of the JEnei i. 



on looking around liim found that liis enemy 



was gone. 



Such are the marvelous tales which were 
told by the ancient narrators, of the prowess 
and exploits of JEneas under the walls of 
Troy, and of the interpositions which were 
put forth to save him in moments of desperate 
danger, by beings supernatural and divine. 
These tales were in those days believed as 
sober history. That which was marvelous 
and philosophically incredible in them, was 
sacredly sheltered from question by mingling 
itself with the prevailing principles of reli- 
gious faith. The tales were thus believed, 
and handed down traditionally from genera- 
tion to generation, and admired and loved by 
all who heard and repeated them, partly on 
account of their romantic and poetical beauty, 
and partly on account of the sublime and sa- 
cred revelations which they contained, in 
respect to the divinities of the spiritual world. 



B.C. 1200.] DESTiiucTioN OF Troy. 79 



Termination of the siege of Troy. 



Cjiaptek IY. 
The Destkuction of Tkoy. 

AFTER the final conquest and destruction 
of Troy, -^neas, in tlie course of liia 
wanderings, stopped, it was said, at Car- 
thage, on his way to Italy, and there, accord- 
ing to ancient story, he gave the following 
account of the circumstances attending the 
capture and the sacking of the city, and his 
own escape from the scene. 

One day, after the war had been continued 
with various success for a long period of time, 
the sentinels on the walls and towers of the 
city began to observe extraordinary move 
ments in the camp of the besiegers, which 
seemed to indicate preparations for breaking 
up the camp and going away. Tents were 
struck. Men were busy passing to and fro, 
arranging arms and military stores, as if for 
transportation. A fleet of ships was drawn 
up along the shore, which was not far distant, 
and a great scene of activity manifested itself 
upon the bank, indicating an approaching 



80 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

Appearances observed by the besieged. 

embarkation. In a word, the tidings soon 
Bpread throiigliout tlie city, tliat the Greeks 
had at h)ngth become weary of the protracted 
contest, and were making preparations to 
withdraw from the field. These proceedings 
were watched, of course, with great interest 
from the walls of the city, and at length the 
inhabitants, to their inexpressible joy, found 
their anticipations and hopes, as they thought, 
fully realized. The camp of the Greeks was 
gradually broken up, and at last entirely 
abandoned. The various bodies of troops 
were drawn off one by one to the shore, where 
they were embarked on board the ships, and 
then sailed away. As soon as this result was 
made sure, the Trojans threw open the gates 
of the city, and came out in throngs, — soldiers 
and citizens, men, women and children togeth- 
er, — to explore the abandoned encampmentj 
and to rejoice over the departure of their ter- 
rible enemies. 

The first thins: which attracted their atten- 
tion was an immense wooden horse, which 
stood upon the ground that the Greek en- 
campment had occupied. The Trojans im- 
mediately gathered, one and all, around the 
monster, full of wonder and curiosity, ^neas, 



B.C. 1200.] Destkuction of Trot. 81 

The wooden horse. Its probable size. 

in narrating tlie story, says that the imago 
was as large as a mountain ; but, as he after- 
ward relates that the people drew it on 
wheels within the walls of the city, and espe- 
cially as he represents them as attaching the 
ropes for this pm-pose to the neck of the im- 
age, instead of to its fore-legs, which would 
have furnished the only proper points of at- 
tachment if the effigy had been of any very 
extraordinary size, he must have had a very 
small mountain in mind in making the com- 
parison. Or, which is perhajDS more proba- 
ble, he used the term only in a vague meta- 
phorical sense, as we do now when we speak 
of the waves of the ocean as running moun- 
tain high, when it is well ascertained that the 
crests of the billows, even in the most violent 
and most protracted storms, never rise more 
than twenty feet above the general level. 

At all events, the image was large enough 
to excite the wonder of all the beholders. 
The Trojan people gathered around it, wholly 
unable to understand for what purpose the 
Greeks could have constructed such a mon- 
ster, to leave behind them on their departure 
from Troy. After the first emotions of aston- 
ishment and wonder which the spectacle awa- 

F 



82 Romulus. [B.C. 1200 

Various opinions in respect to the disposal of it. 

kenecl, had somewhat subsided, there followed 
a consultation in respect to the disposal which 
was to be made of the prodigy. The opinions 
on this point were very various. One com 
mander was disposed to consider the image 
a sacred prize, and recommended that they 
should convey it into the city, and deposit it 
in the citadel, as a trophy of victory. An- 
other, dissenting decidedly from this counsel, 
said that he strongly suspected some latent 
treachery, and he proposed to build a fire 
under the body of the monster, and burn the 
image itself and all contrivances for mischief 
which might be contained in it, together. A 
third recommended that they should hew it 
open, and see for themselves what there might 
be within. One of the Trojan leaders named 
Laocoon, who, just at this juncture, came to 
the spot, remonstrated loudly and earnestly 
against having any thing to do w^ith so mys- 
terious and suspicious a prize, and, by way 
of expressing the strong animosity which he 
felt toward it, he hurled his spear with all 
his force against the monster's side. The 
spear stood trembling in the wood, producing 
a deep hollow sound by the concussion. 
What the decision would have been in re- 



B.C. 1200.J JJe&tkuctiox of Tkoy. 83 

Sudden appearance of a captive. His wretched condition, 

Bpect to the disposal of the horse, if this con- 
sultation and debate had gone on, it is impos- 
sible to say, as the farther consideration of 
the subject was all at once interrupted, by 
new occurrences which here suddenly inter- 
vened, and which, after engrossing for a time 
the whole attention of the company assembled, 
finally controlled the decision of the question. 
A crowd of peasants and shepherds were seen 
coming from the mountains, with much ex 
citement, and loud shouts and outcries, bring 
ing with them a captive Greek whom they 
had secured and bound. As the peasants 
came up with their prisoner, the Trojans gath- 
ered eagerly round them, full of excitement 
and threats of violence, all thirsting, appa- 
rently, for their victim's blood. He, on his 
part, filled the air with the most piteous lam- 
entations and cries for mercy. 

His distress and wretchedness, and the 
earnest entreaties which he uttered, seemed 
at length to soften the hearts of his enemies, 
and finally, the violence of the crowd around 
tlie captive became somewhat appeased, and 
was succeeded by a disposition to question 
him, and hear what he had to say. The 
Greek told them, in answer to their interro-- 



84 EoMULLS. [B.C. 1200, 

Sinon's account of the departure of the Greeks. 

gations, that his name was Sinon, and that he 
was a fugitive from his own countrymen tho 
Greeks, who had been intending to kill him. 
He said that the Greek leaders had long been 
desirous of abandoning the siege of Troj, 
and that they had made many attempts to 
embark their troops and sail away, but that 
the winds and seas had risen against them on 
every such attempt, and defeated their de- 
sign. They then sent to consult the oracle of 
Apollo, to learn what was the cause of the 
displeasure and hostility thus manifested 
against them by the god of the sea. The ora- 
cle replied, that they could not depart from 
Troy, till they had first made an atoning and 
propitiatory offering by the sacrifice of a man, 
such an one as Apollo himself might desig- 
nate. When this answer was returned, the 
whole army, as Sinon said, was thrown into a 
state of consternation. 'No one knew but that 
the fatal designation might fall on him. The 
leaders were, however, earnestly determined 
on carrying the measure into effect. Ulysses 
called upon Calchas, the priest of Apollo, to 
point out the man who was to die. Calchas 
waited day after day, for ten days, before the 
divine intimation was made to him in respect 



B.C. 1200.] Destruction of Tkot. 85 

His story of the proposed sacrifice. Hia escape. 

to the individual who -was to sufier. At 
length he said that Sinon was the destined 
victim. His comrades, Sinon said, rejoicing 
in their own escaj)e from so terrible a doom, 
eagerly assented to the priest's decision, and 
immediately made preparations for the cere 
mony. The altar was reared. The victim 
was adorned for the sacrifice, and the gar 
lands, according to the accustomed usage, 
were bound upon his temples. He contrived, 
however, he said, at the last moment, to make 
his escape. He broke the bands with which 
he had been bound, and fled into a morass 
near the shore, where he remained concealed 
in inaccessible thickets until the Greeks had 
sailed away. He then came forth and was at 
length seized and bound by the shepherds 
of the mountains, who found him wandering 
about, in extreme destitution and misery. Si- 
non concluded his tale by the most piteous 
lamentations, on his wretched lot. The Ti'o- 
jans, he supposed, would kill him, and the 
Greeks, on their return to his native land, in 
their anger against him for having made his 
escape from them, would destroy his wife and 
children. 

The air and manner with which Sinon told 



S6 E OMUL us. [B.C. 1200. 

Priam'd address to him. Sinon's account of the horse. 

this story seemed so sincere, and so natural 
and unaffected were the expressions of wretch- 
edness and despair with which he ended his 
narrative, that the Trojan leaders had no sus- 
picion that it was not true. Their compassion 
was moved for the wretched fugitive, and they 
determined to spare his life. Priam, the aged 
king, who was present at the scene, in the 
midst of the Trojan generals, ordered the 
cords with which the peasants had bound the 
captive to be sundered, that he might stand 
before them free. The king spoke to him, 
too, in a kind and encouraging manner. " For- 
get your countrymeil," said he. " They are 
gone. Plenceforth you shall be one of us. 
We will take care of you." " And now," he 
continued, " tell us what this monstrous image 
means. Why did the Greeks make it, and 
why have they left it here ?" 

Sinon, as if grateful for the generosity with 
which his life had been spared, professed him- 
self ready to give his benefactors the fullest 
information. He told them that the wooden 
iiorse had been built by the Greeks to replace 
a certain image of Pallas which they had 
previously taken and borne away from Troy, 
it was to replace this image, Sinon said, that 



B.C. 1200.] Desteuction OF Teot. 87 



Effect produced by Sinon's story. 



the Greeks had built the wooden horse ; and 
their purpose in making the image of this 
monstrous size was to prevent the possibility 
of the Trojans taking it into the city, and 
thus appropriating to themselves the benefit 
of its protecting efficacy and virtue. 

The Trojans listened with breathless inter- 
est to all that Sinon said, and readily believ- 
ed his story; so admirably well did he coun- 
terfeit, by his words and his demeanor, all the 
marks and tokens of honest sincerity in what 
he said of others, as well of grief and des2:)air 
in respect to his own unhappy lot. The cur- 
rent of opinion which had begun before to set 
strongly in favor of destroying the horse, was 
wholly turned, and all began at once to look 
iil^oii the colossal image as an object of sacred 
veneration, and to begin to form plans for 
transporting it within the limits of the city. 
Whatever remaining doubts any of them 
might have felt on the subject were dispelled 
by the occurrence of a most extraordinary 
phenomenon just at this stage of the affair, 
which was understood by all to be a divine 
judgment upon Laocoon for his sacreligious 
temerity in striking his spear into the horse's 
side. Tt had been determined to offer a sacri- 



88 EoMULTJS. [B.C. 1200. 

The serpents and Laocoon. 

fice to ]^eptune. Lots were drawn to deter- 
mine who should perform the rite. The lot 
fell upm Laocoon. He began to make prep- 
arations to perform the duty, assisted by his 
two yonng sons, when suddenly two immense 
serpents appeared, coming up from the sea. 
They came swimming over the surface of the 
water, with their heads elevated above the 
waves, until they reached the shore, and then 
gliding swiftly along, they advanced across 
the plain, their bodies brilliantly spotted and 
glittering in the sun, their eyes flashing, and 
their forked and venomous tongues darting 
threats and defiance as they came. The people 
fled in dismay. The serpents, disregarding 
all others, made their way directly toward 
the affrighted children of Laocoon, and twin- 
ing around them they soon heid the writhing 
and struggling limbs of their shrieking victims 
hopelessly entangled in their deadly convo- 
lutions. 

Laocoon, who was himself at a little distance 
from the spot, when the serpents came, as soon 
as he saw the danger and heard the agonizing 
cries of his boys, seized a weapon and ran to 
rescue them. Listead, however, of being able 
to save his children, he only involved himself 



E.G. 1200.] Destruction OF Teoy. 89 

Aucient statue of Laocoon. Its history. 

ill their dreadful fate. Tlie serpents seized 
hiin as soon as he came within their reach, 
and taking two turns around his neck and 
two around his body, and binding in a re- 
morseless gripe the forms of the fainting and 
dying boys with other convolutions, they 
raised their heads high above the group of 
victims w^hich they thus enfolded, and hissed 
and darted out their forked tongues in token of 
defiance and victory. When at length their 
work was done, tliey glided away and took 
refuge in a temple that was near, and coiled 
themselves up for repose beneath the feet of 
the statue of a goddess that stood in the shrine. 
The story of Laocoon has become celebrated 
among all mankind in modern times by means 
of a statue representing the catastrophe, which 
was found two or three centuries ago among 
the ruins of an ancient edifice at Rome. Tliis 
statue was mentioned by an old Roman writer, 
Pliny, who gave an account of it wdiile it yet 
stood in its place in the ancient city. He 
fcaid that it was the work of three artists, a 
father and two sons, who combined their in- 
dustry and skill to carve in one group, and 
with immense labor and care, the representa- 
tion of Laocoon himself, the two boys, and 



90 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200, 

The statue now deposited in the Vatican. De&cription of it. 

the two serpents, making five living beings 
intertwined intricately together, and all carved 
from one single block of marble. On the de> 
cline and fall of Rome this statue was iost 
among the ruins of the city, and for many 
centuries it was known to mankind only 
through the description of Pliny. At lengtli 
it was brought to light again, having been 
discovered about three centuries ago, under 
the ruins of the very edifice in which Pliny 
had described it as standing. It immediately 
became the object of great interest and atten- 
tion to the whole world. It was deposited in 
the Yatican ; a great reward w^as paid to the 
owner of the ground on which it w^as discov- 
ered ; drawings and casts of it, without num- 
ber, have been made ; and the original stands 
in the Yatican now, an object of universal in- 
terest, as one of the most celebrated sculp- 
tures of ancient or modern times. 

Laocoon himself forms the center of the 
group, with the serpents twined around him, 
while he struggles, with a fearful expression 
of terror and anguish in his countenance, in 
the vain attempt to release himself from their 
hold. One of the serpents has bitten one of 
the boys in the side, and the wounded child 



B.C. 1200.] Destruction of Tkot. 91 

Effect produced upou the Trojans by Laocoou's fate. 

sinks under the effects of tlie poison. The 
other boy, in an agony of terror, is struggling, 
hopelessly, to release his foot from the convo- 
lutions with which one of the serpents has en- 
circled it. The exj^ression of the whole group 
is exciting and painful, and yet notwith- 
standing this, there is combined with it a cer- 
tain mysterious grace and beauty which 
charms every eye, and makes the composition 
the wonder of mankind. 

But to return to the story. The peojDle un- 
derstood this awful visitation to be the judg- 
ment of heaven against Laocoon for his sacri- 
legious presumption in daring to thrust his 
spear into the side of the image before them, 
and which they were now very sure they were 
to consider as something supernatural and 
divine. They determined with one accord to 
take it into the city. 

They immediately began to make prepara- 
tions for the transportation of it. They raised 
it from the ground, and fitted to the feet some 
sort of machinery of wheels or rollers, suitable 
to the nature of the ground, and strong enough 
to bear the weiaiht of the colossal mass. The^ 
attached long ropes to the neck of the image , 
and extended them forward upon the ground r 



92 Romulus. [B.C. 1200, 

Tlie Trojans draw the horse into the city. 

and then brought np large companies of citi- 
zens and soldiers to man them. They arranged 
a procession, consisting of the generals of the 
army, and of the great civil dignitaries of the 
state ; and in addition to these were groups 
of singing boys and girls, adorned with wreaths 
and garlands, who were appointed to chant 
sacred hymns to solemnize the occasion. 
They widened the access to the city, too, by 
tearing down a portion of the wall so as to 
open a sufficient space to enable the monster 
to get in. When all was ready the ropes were 
manned, the signal was given, the jDonderous 
mass began to move, and though it encoun- 
tered in its progress many difficulties, obstruc- 
tions, and delays, in due time it was safely 
deposited in the court of a great public edifice 
within the city. The wall was then repaired, 
the day passed away, the night came on, the 
gates were shut, and the curiosity and wonder 
of the people within being gradually satisfied, 
they at length dispersed to their several homes 
and retired to rest. At midnight the uncon- 
scious effigy stood silent and alone where its 
worshipers had left it, while the whole pop- 
ulation of the city were sunk in slumber, ex- 
cept tlie sentinels who had been stationed ag 



U.C. 1200.] Destbuction of Teoy. 



The Greeks admitted to the city. 



usual to keep guard at the gates, or to watch 
upon tJie towers and battlements above them. 
In the mean time the Greek fleet, which had 
sailed away nnder pretense of finally aban 
doning the country, had proceeded only to the 
island of Tenedos, which was about a league 
from the shore, and there they had concealed 
themselves during the day. As soon as night 
came on they returned to the main land, and 
disembarking with the utmost silence and se- 
crecy, they made their way back again under 
cover of the darkness, as near as they dared 
to come to the gates of the city. In the mean 
time Sinon had arisen stealthily from the 
sleep which he had feigned to deceive those 
to whose charge he had been committed, and 
creeping cautiously through the streets he 
repaired to the place where the wooden horse 
had been deposited, and there opened a secret 
door in the side of the image, and liberated a 
band of armed and desperate men who had 
been concealed within. These men, as soon 
as they had descended to the ground and had 
adjusted their armor, rushed to the city walls, 
surprised and killed the sentinels and watch- 
men, tlirew open the gates, and gave the whole 
body of their comrades that were lurking 



94 K OMUL OS. [B.C. 1200, 

iEneas awakened by the din. His meeting with Pantheus. 

outside the walls, in tlie silence and darkness 
of the niglit, an unobstructed admission. 

^neas was asleep in his house while these 
things were transpiring. The house where he 
lived was in a retired and quiet situation, but 
he was awakened from his sleep by distant 
outcries and din, and springing from his 
couch, and hastily resuming his dress, he as- 
cended to the roof of the house to ascertain 
the cause of the alarm. He saw flames as- 
cending from various edifices in the quarter 
of the city where the Greeks had come in. 
He listened. He could distinctly hear the 
shouts of men, and the notes of trumpets 
sounding the alarm. He immediately seized 
his armor and rushed forth into the streets, 
arousing the inhabitants around him from 
their slumbers by his shouts, and calling upon 
them to arm themselves and follow him. 

In the midst of this excitement, there sud- 
denly appeared before him, coming from the 
scene of the conflict, a Trojan friend, named 
Pantheus, who was hastening away from the 
danger, perfectly bewildered with excitement 
and agitation. He was leading with him hia 
little son, who was likewise pale with terror, 
^neas asked Pantheus what had happened 



B.C. 1200.] Destkuction of Trost. 95 



His surprise and terror. 



Pantheus in reply explained to liim in Lurried 
and broken words, that armed men, treacher- 
ously concealed within the wooden horse, had 
issued forth from their concealment, and had 
opened the gates of the city, and let the 
whole horde of their ferocious and desperate 
enemies in ; that the sentinels and guards 
who had been stationed at the gates had been 
killed ; and that the Greek troops had full 
possession of the city, and were barricading 
the streets and setting fire to the buildings on 
every side. "All is lost," said he, " our cause 
is ruined, and Troy is no more." 

The announcing of these tidings filled 
^neas and those who had joined him with a 
sj)ecies of phrensy. They resolved to press 
forward into the combat, and there, if they 
must perish themselves, to carry down as 
many as possible of their enemies with them 
to destruction. They pressed on, therefore, 
through the gloomy streets, guiding their way 
toward the scene of action by the glare of the 
fires upon the sky, and by the sounds of the 
distant tumult and din. 

They soon found themselves in the midst 
of scenes of dreadful terror and confusion, — 
the scenes, in fact, which are usually exhib- 



96 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

Adventures of ^neas and Pantheua, The tortoise. 

ited in the midnight sacking of a city. They 
met with various adventures during the time 
that they continued their desperate but hope- 
less resistance. They encountered a party of 
Greeks, and overpowered and slew them, and 
then, seizing the armor which their fallen ene- 
mies had worn, they disguised themselves in 
it, in hopes to deceive the main body of the 
Greeks by this means, so as to mingle among 
them unobserved, and thus attack and de- 
stroy such small parties as they might meet 
without being themselves attacked by the 
rest. They saw the princess Cassandra, the 
young daughter of king Priam, dragged away 
by Greek soldiers from a temple where she 
had sought refuge. They immediately un- 
dertook to resci.e her, and were at once at- 
tacked both by the Greek party who had the 
princess in charge, and also by the Trojan 
soldiers, who shot arrows and darts down 
upon them from the roofs above, supposing, 
from the armor and the plumes which they 
wore, that they were enemies. They saw 
the royal palace besieged, and the tortoise 
formed for scaling the walls of it. The tu- 
mult and din, and the frightful glare of lurid 
flames by which the city was illuminated, 



B.C. 1200.J Destruction OF Tkoy. 99 

The position of ^neaa. The tower,, 

formed a scene of inconceivable confusion and 
terror. 

^neas watched the progress of the assault 
upon the palace from the top of certain lofty 
roofs, to which he ascended for the purpose. 
Here there was a slender tower, which bad 
been built for a watch-tower, and had been 
carried up to such a height that, from the 
summit of it, the watchmen stationed there 
could survey all the environs of the city, and 
on one side look off to some distance over the 
sea. This tower ^neas and the Trojans who 
were with him contrived to cut off at its base, 
and throw over upon the throngs of Grecians 
that were thundering at the palace gates be- 
below. Great numbers were killed by the 
falling ruins, and the tortoise was broken 
d'/wn. The Greeks, however, soon formed an- 
other tortoise, by means of which some of the 
soldiers scaled the walls, while others broke 
down the gates with battering rams and en- 
gines ; and thus the palace, the sacred and 
last remaining stronghold of the city, was 
thrown open to the ferocious and frantic 
horde of its assailants. 

The sacking of the palace presented an 
awful spectacle to the view of ^neas and his 



100 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200 

The sacking of the palace. Priam. 

companions, as they looked down upon it 
from the roofs and battlements around. As 
the walls, one after another, fell in under the 
resistless blows dealt by the engines that were 
brought against them, the interior halls, and 
the most retired and private apartments, w^ere 
thrown open to view — all illuminated by the 
glare of the surrounding conflagrations. 

Shrieks and wailing, and every other species 
of outcry that comes from grief, terror, and 
despair, arose from within ; and such specta- 
tors as had the heart to look continuously 
upon the spectacle, could see wretched men 
running to and fro, and virgins clinging to 
altars for protection, and frantic mothers 
vainly endeavoring to find hiding-places for 
themselves and their helpless children. 

Priam the king, who was at this time old 
and infirm, was aroused from his slumbers by 
the dreadful din, and immediately began to 
seize his armor, and to prepare himself for 
rushing into the fight. His wife, however, 
Hecuba, begged and entreated him to desist. 
She saw that all was lost, and that any far- 
ther attempts at resistance would only exas- 
perate their enemies, and render their own 
destruction the more inevitable. She per- 



B.C. 1200.] Destruction of Troy. 101 



Priam and Hecuba at the altar. 



suaded tlie king, therefore, to give up hia 
weapons and go with her to an altar, in one 
of the courts of the palace, — a place which it 
would be sacrilege for their enemies to violate 
— and there patiently and submissively to 
a*\'ait the end. Priam yielded to the queen's 
solicitations, and went with her to the place 
of refuge which she had chosen; — and the 
plan which they thus adopted, might very 
probably have been successful in saving 
their lives, had it not been for an unex- 
pected occurrence which suddenly inter- 
vened, and which led to a fatal result. While 
they were seated by the altar, in attitudes of 
submission and su23pliance, they were sud- 
denly aroused by the rushing toward them 
of one of their sons, who came in, wounded and 
bleeding from some scene of combat, and pur- 
sued by angry and ferocious foes. The spent 
and fainting warrior sank down at the feet of 
his father and mother, and lay there dying 
and weltering in the blood which flowed from 
his wounds. The aged king was aroused to 
madness at this spectacle. He leaped to his 
feet, seized a .javelin, and thundering out at 
the same time the most loud and bitter impre- 
cations against the murderers of his son, ho 



102 KoMULus. [B.C. 1200 

The death of Priam. The despair of the Trojana. 

hmied the weapon toward them as they ad 
vanced. The javelin struck the shield of the 
leader of the assailants, and rebounded from 
it without producing any other effect than to 
enrage still more the furious spirit which it 
was meant to destroy. The assailant rushed 
forward, seized the aged father by the hair, 
dragged him slipping, as he went, in the blood 
of his son, up to the altar, and there plunged 
a sword into his body, burying it to the hilt, 
— and then threw him down, convulsed and 
dying, upon the body of his dying child. 

Thus Priam fell, and with him the last 
hope of the people of Troy. The city in full 
possession of their enemies, the paliice and 
citadel sacked and destroyed, and the king 
slain, they saw that there was nothing now 
left for which they had any wish to contend 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF iENEAs. 103 

-(Eneas's reflecliona. lie daiermines to go homo. 



ClIAPTEK Y. 

The Flight of iENEAs. 

/li'll^EAS, from Lis station upon tlie battle- 
-^-■— ^ ments of a neighboring edifice, wit- 
nessed the taking of the palace and the death 
of Priam. He immediately gave nj) all for 
lost, and turned his thoughts at once to the 
sole question of the means of saving himself 
and his family from impending destruction. 
He thought of his father, Anchises, who at 
this time lived with him in the city, and was 
nearly of the same age as Priam the king, 
v/hom he had just seen so cruelly slain. He 
thought of his wife too, whom he had left at 
home, and of his little son Ascanius, and lie 
began now to be overwhelmed with the ap- 
prehension, that the besiegers had found tlieir 
way to his dwelling, and w^ere, perhaps, at 
that very moment plundering and destroying 
it, and perj^etrating cruel deeds of violence 
and outrage upon his wife and family. He 
determined immediately to hasten home. 
He looked around to see who of his com • 



104 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

iEneas js left at last alone. He goes away 

panions remained with Iiiin. There was not 
one. They had all gone and left him alone- 
Some had leaped down from the battlements 
and made their escape to other parts of the 
citj. Some had fallen in the attempt to leap, 
and had perished in the flames that were 
burning among the buildings beneath them. 
Others still had been reached by darts and 
arrows from below, and had tumbled head- 
long from their lofty height into the street be - 
neath them. The Greeks, too, had left that 
part of the city. When the destruction of 
the palace had been effected, there was no 
longer any motive to remain, and they had 
gone away, one band after another, with loud 
shouts of exultation and defiance, to seek new 
combats in other quarters of the city, ^neas 
listened to the sounds of their voices, as they 
gradually died away upon his ear. Thus, in 
one way and another, all had gone, and 
^ncas found himself alone, 

^neas contrived to find his way back safe! y 
to the street, and then stealthily choosing \\\^ 
way, and vigilantly watching against the dan- 
gers that surrounded him, he advanced cau- 
tiously among the ruins of the palace, in the 
direction toward his own home. Ho had not 



B.C.1200.] Flight of .Eneas. 



105 



He sees the princess Helen. 



Story of Helen. 



proceeded far before he saw a female figure 
lurking in the shadow of an altar near which 
he had to pass. It proved to be the princess 
Helen. 




i^^^ 



■illiririilinii.,-..'^ <£ ^.-S^^ 



Helen. 



Helen was a Grrecian princess, formerly the 
wife of Menelaus, king of Sparta, hut she had 
eloped from Grreece some years before, with 
Paris, the son of Priam, king of Troy, and 
this elopement had been the whole cause of 
the Trojan war. In the first instance, Mene- 



106 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200. 

iEncas determines to destroy her. His reflectione. 

laus, accompanied by anotliei' Grecian cliief^ 
tain, went to Troy and demanded that Helen 
should be given up again to her proper hus- 
band. Paris refused to surrender her. Mene- 
laus then returned to Greece and organized a 
grand expedition to proceed to Troy and re- 
capture the queen. This was the origin of the 
war. The people, therefore, looked upon. 
Helen as the cause, whether innocent or 
guilty, of all theii calamities. 

When ^neas, therefore, who was, as may 
well be sujDposed, in no very amiable or gentle 
tem]3er, as he hurried along away from the 
smoking ruins of the ]3alace toward his home, 
saw Helen endeavoring to screen herself from 
the destruction which she had been the means 
of bringing upon all that he held dear, he was 
aroused to a phrensy of anger against her, and 
determined to avenge the wrongs of his coun 
try by lier destruction. "I will kill her," said 
he to himself, as he rushed forward toward 
the spot where she was concealed. " There is 
no great glory it is true in wreaking ven- 
geance on a woman, or in bringing her to the 
punishment which her crimes deserve. Still 
I will kill her, and I shall be commended for 
the deed. She shall not, after bringing 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF ^NEAS. 107 

The a]>parition of Aphrodite. Iler words. 

ruin upon us, escape herself, and go back 
to Greece in safety and be a queen there 
again." 

As JEneas said these words, rushing for- 
ward at the same time, sword in hand, he was 
suddenly intercepted and brought to a stand 
by the apparition of his mother, the goddess 
Aphrodite, who all at once stood in the way 
before him. She stopped him, took him by 
the hand, urged him to restrain his useless 
anger, and calmed and quieted him with 
soothing words. " It is not Helen," said she, 
'' that has caused the destruction of Troy. It 
is through the irresistible and irrevocable de- 
crees of the gods that the city has fallen. It 
is useless for you to struggle against inevita- 
ble destiny, or to attemjit to take vengeance 
on mere human means and instrumentalities. 
Think no more of Helen. Think of your fam- 
ily. Your aged father, your helpless wife, 
your little son, — where are they? Even now 
while you are wasting time here in vain at- 
tempts to take vengeance on Helen for what 
the gods have done, all that are near and dear 
to you are surrounded by ferocious enemies 
thirsting for their blood. Fly to them and 
save them. I shall accompany you, though 



108 ICoMTJLus. [B.C. 1200. 

Ilia mothei'B magical protection. He reaches his homo. 

tinseen, and will protect yon and them from 
every impending danger." 

As soon as Aphrodite had spoken these 
words she disappeared from view, ^neas, 
following her injunctions, went directly to- 
ward his home ; and he found as he passed 
along the streets that the way was opened for 
him, by mysterious movements among the 
armed bands which were passing in every di- 
rection about the city, in such a manner as to 
convince him that his mother was really ac- 
companying him, and protecting his w^ay by 
her supernatural powers. 

"When he reached home the first person 
whom he saw was Anchises his father. Ho 
told Anchises that all was lost, and that noth- 
ing now remained for them but to seek 
safety for themselves by flying to the moun- 
tains behind the city. But Anchises refused 
t) go. "You who are young," said he, "and 
who have enough of life before you to be 
worth preserving, may fly. As for me I will 
not attempt to save the little remnant that re- 
mains to me, to be spent, if saved, in misera- 
ble exile. If the powers of heaven had in- 
tended that I should have lived any longer, 
they would have spared my native city, — ^my 



RC.1200.] Flight of ^neas. 109 

The aetermiiiation of Ancliisos. Creusa's entreaties. 



only home. You may go yourselves, but 
leave me here to die." 

In saying these words Anchises turned 
away in great despondency, firmly fixed, 
apparently, in his determination to remain 
and share the fate of the city, ^neas and 
Creiisa his wife joined their entreaties in urg- 
ing him to go away. But he would not be 
persuaded, ^neas then declared that he 
would not go and leave his father. If one 
was to die they would all die, he said, togeth 
er. lie called for his armor and began to 
23ut it on, resolving to go out again into the 
streets of the city and die, since he must die, 
in the act of destroying his destroyers. 

He was, however, prevented from carrying 
this determination into effect, by Creusa's in- 
tervention, who fell down before him at the 
threshold of the door, almost frantic with ex- 
citement and terror, and holding her little 
son Ascanius with one arm, and clasping her 
husband's knees with the other, she begged 
him not to leave them. "Stay and save us," 
said she ; " do not go and throw your life 
away. Or, if you will go, take us with you 
that we may all die together." 

The conflict of impulses and passions in this 



110 KoMULUs. [B.C. 1200 

The plan formed for the escape of the family. 

iinliappy family continued for some time 
longer, but it ended at last in tlie yielding of 
Anchises to the wishes of the rest, and they 
all resolved to fly. In the mean time, the 
noise and uproar in the streets of the city, were 
drawing nearer and nearer, and the light of 
the burning buildings breaking out continu- 
ally at new points in the progress of the con- 
flaorration, indicated that no time was to be 
lost. JEneas hastily formed his plan. His 
father was too old and infirm to go himself 
through the city, ^neas determined there- 
fore to carry him upon his shoulders. Little 
Ascanius was to walk along by his side. 
Creusa was to follow, keeping as close as pos- 
sible to her husband lest she should lose him 
in the darkness of the night, or in the scenes 
of uproar and confusion thrcnigh which they 
would have to pass on the way. The domes- 
tics of the family were to escape from the city 
by different routes, each choosing his own, in 
order to avoid attracting the attention of their 
enemies ; and when once without the gates 
they were all to rendezvous again at a cer- 
tain rising ground, not far from the city, 
which ^neas designated to them by means 
of an old deserted temple which marked the 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF ^NEAs. Ill 

The lion's skin. The household gcKls. Creuaa. 

B23ot, and a venerable cypress which grew 
there. 

This plan being formed the party imme- 
diately proceeded to put it in execution. 
^neas spread a lion's skin over his shoulders 
to make the resting-place more easy for his 
father, or perhaps to lighten the pressure of 
the heavy burden upon his own limbs. An- 
chises took what were called the household 
gods, in his hands. These were sacred images 
which it was customary to keep, in those days, 
in every dwelling, as the symbol and embodi- 
ment of divine protection. To save these 
images, when every thing else was given up 
for lost, was always the object of the last des- 
perate effort of the husband and father. 
JEneas in this case asked his father to take 
these images, as it would have been an impi- 
ety for him, having come fresh from scenes 
of battle and bloodshed, to have put his hand 
upon them, without previously performing 
some ceremony of purification. Ascanius 
took hold of his father's hand. Creusa fol- 
lowed behind. Thus arranged they sallied 
forth from the house into the streets — all dark 
and gloomy, except so far as they received a 
partial and inconstant light from the flames 



112 KoMULUs. [B.ai200 

The whole party proceed towards the gates. 

of the distant conflagrations, which glared in 
the sky, and flashed sometimes upon battle 
ments and towers, and upon the tops of loftj 
dwellings. 

^neas pressed steadily on, though in a 
state continually of the highest excitement 
and apprehension. He kept stealthily along 
wherever he could find the deepest shadows, 
under walls, and through the most obscure 
and the narrowest streets. He was in con- 
stant fear lest some stray dart or arrow should 
strike Anchises or Creusa, or lest some band 
of Greeks should come suddenly upon them, 
in which case he knew well that they would 
all be cut down without mercy, for, loaded 
down as he was with his burden, he would 
be entirely unable to do any thing to de- 
fend either himself or them. The party, how- 
ever, for a time seemed to escape all these 
dangers, but at length, just as they were ap- 
proaching the gate of the city, and began to 
tliink that they were safe, they were suddenly 
alarmed by a loud uproar, and by a rush ot 
men which came in toward them from somo 
streets in that quarter of the city, and threat- 
ened to overwhelm them. Anchises was 
greatly alarmed. He saw the gleaming 



B.C. 1200.J Flight OF ^NEAs. 113 

Escape from tho city. Crousa is lost. 

weapons of the Greeks who were rushing to- 
ward them, and he called out to ^neas to 
flj faster, or to turn oif some other way, in 
order to escape the impending danger, ^neas 
was terrified by the shouts and uproar which 
he heard, and his mind was for a moment con- 
fused by the bewildering influences of the 
scene. He however hurried forward, running 
this way and that, wherever there seemed the 
best prospect of escape, and often embarrassed 
and retarded in his flight by the crowds of 
'people who were moving confusedly in all 
directions. At length, however, he succeed- 
ed in flnding egress from the city. He press- 
ed on, without stopping to look behind him 
till he reached the appointed place of rendez- 
vous on the hill, and then gently laying down 
his burden, he looked around for Creusa. She 
was nowhere to be seen. 

.^Eneas was in utter consternation, at flnd- 
ing that his wife was gone. He mourned and 
lamented this dreadful calamity with loud ex- 
clamations of grief and despair ; then reflect- 
ing that it was a time for action and not for 
idle grief, he hastened to conceal his father 
and Ascanius in a dark and winding valley be- 
hind the hill, and leaving them there under 

B 



114 Romulus. [B.C. 1200. 

iEiieas goes back in search of Cieusa. 

the charge of his domestics, he hastened back 
to the city to see if Creusa could be found. 

He armed himself completely before he 
went, being in his desperation determined to 
encounter every danger in his attempts to find 
and to recover his beloved wife. He went 
directly to the gate from which he had come 
out, and re-entering the city there, he began 
to retrace, as well as he could, the way that 
he had taken in coming out of the city — 
guiding himself as he went, by the light of 
the fiames which rose up here and there from 
the burning buildings. 

He went on in this way in a desperate state 
of agitation and distress, searching everywhere 
but seeing nothing of Creusa. At length he 
thought it possible that she had concluded, 
when she found herself separated from him^ 
to go back to the house, as the safest place of 
refuge for her, and he determined, accord- 
mgly, to go and seek her there. This was his 
last hope, and most cruelly was it disappointed 
when he came to the place of his dwelling. 

He found his house, when he arrived near 
the spot, all in flames. The surrounding 
buildings were burning too, and the streets in 
the neighborhood were piled up with furni- 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF J^NEAs. 11? 

He finds that hia house has been burned. 

ture and goods wliicli the wretched inmates 
of the dwellings had vainly endeavored to 
save. These inmates themselves were stand- 
ii]g around, distracted with grief and terror, 
and gazing hopelessly upon the scene of dev- 
astation before them. 

^neas saw all these things at a glance, and 
immediately, in a frenzy of excitement, began 
to call out Creusa's name. He went to and 
fro among the groups surrounding the fire, 
calling for her in a frantic manner, and im- 
ploring all whom he saw to give him some 
tidings of her. All was, however, in vain. 
She could not be found, ^neas then went 
roaming about through other portions of the 
city, seeking her everywhere, and inquiring 
for her of every person whom he met that had 
the appearance of being a friend. His sus- 
pense, however, was terminated at last by his 
suddenly coming upon an apparition of the 
spirit of Creusa, which rose before him in a 
solitary part of the city, and arrested his pro- 
gress. The apparition was of preternatural 
size, and it stood before him in so ethereal 
and shadow-like a form, and the features 
beamed upon him with so calm and placid 
and benignant an expression, as convinced 



116 EoMULiJs. [B.C. 1200, 

The apparition of Creusa, Her predictions. 

hini that the vision was not of this world, 
.^neas saw at a glance that Creusa's earthly 
sorrows and sufferings were ended forever. 

At first he was shocked and terrified at the 
spectacle. Creusa, however, endeavored to 
calm and quiet him by soothing words. *'My 
dearest husband," said she, " do not give way 
thus to anxiety and grief. The events which 
have befallen us, have not come by chance. 
They are all ordered by an overruling provi- 
dence that is omnipotent and divine. It was 
predetermined by the decrees of heaven that 
you were not to take me with you in your 
flight. I have learned what your future des- 
tiny is to be. There is a long period of weary 
wandering before you, over the ocean and on 
the land, and you will have many difficulties, 
dangers, and trials to incur. You will, how- 
ever, be conducted safely through them all, 
and will in the end find a peaceful and happy 
home on the banks of the Tiber. There you 
will found a new kingdom ; a princess is even 
now provided for you there, to become your 
bride. Cease then to mourn for me ; rather 
rejoice that I did not fall a captive into the 
hands of our enemies, to be carried away into 
Greece and made a slave. I am free, and you 



B.C. 1^00.] Flight OF ^NEAs. 117 

Her farewell to her husband. Preparations for departure. 

must not lament mr fate. Farewell. Love 
Ascanius for my sake, and watch over him and 
protect him as long as you live." 

Having spoken these words, the vision be- 
gan to disappear. JEneas endeavored to 
clasp the beloved image in his arms to retain 
it, but it was intangible and evanescent, and, 
before he could speak to it, it was gone, and 
he was left standing in the desolate and 
gloomy street alone. He turned at length 
slowly away ; and solitary, thoughtful and 
sad, he went back to the gate of the city, and 
thence out to the valley where he had con- 
cealed Anchises and his little son. 

He found them safe. The whole party 
then sought places of retreat among the glens 
and mountains, where they could remain 
concealed a few days, while ^neas and his 
companions could make arrangements . for 
abandoning the country altogether. These 
arrangements were soon completed. As soon 
as the Greeks had retired, so that they could 
come out without danger from their place of 
retreat, JEneas emj^loyed his men in building 
a number of small vessels, fitting them, as 
was usual in those days, l)oth with sails and 
oars . 



118 EoMULTJs. [B.C. 1200, 

^neas'8 company incroases. His fleet. The embaikation. 

During the progress of these preparations, 
small parties of Trojans were coming in con- 
tinually, day by day, to join him; being 
drawn successively from their hiding-places 
among the mountains, by hearing that the 
Greeks had gone away, and that ^neas was 
gradually assembling the remnant of the Tro- 
jans on the shore. The numbers thus col- 
lected at ^neas's encampment gradually in- 
creased, and as ^neas enlarged and extended 
his naval preparations to correspond with the 
augmenting numbers of his adherents, he found 
when he was ready to set sail, that he was at 
the head of a very respectable naval and 
military force. 

When the fleet at last was ready, he put a 
stock of provisions on board, and embarked 
his men, — taking, of course, Anchises and 
Ascanius with him. As soon as a favorable 
wind arose, the expedition set sail. As the 
vessels moved slowly away, the decks were 
covered with men and women, who gazed 
mournfully at the receding shores, conscious 
that they were bidding a final farewell to 
their native land. 

The nearest country within reach in leaving 
the Trojan coast, was Thrace — a country ly- 



B.C.1200.] Flight of ^neas. 



119 



Map of the wanderings of iEneas. 



ing north of the Egean Sea, and of the Pro- 
pontis, being separated, in fact, in one part, 
from the Trojan territories, only by the Hel- 




WaNDERINGS of iENEAS. 



lespont. ^neas turned his course northward 
toward this country, and, after a short voy- 
age, landed there, and attempted to make a 
settlement. He was, however, prevented from 
remaining long, by a dreadful prodigy which 
he witnessed there, and which induced him 



120 Romulus. [Ji.C. 1200. 

A dreadful prodigy. The bleeding myrtle. 

to leave those sliores very precipitously. The 
prodigy was this : 

They had erected an altar on the shore, 
after they had landed, and were preparing to 
offer the sacrifices customary on such occa- 
sions, when ^neas, wishing to shade the altar 
with boughs, went to a myrtle bush which 
was growing near, and began to pull up the 
green shoots from the ground. To his aston- 
ishment and horror, he found that blood 
flowed from the roots whenever they were 
broken. Drops of what appeared to be hu- 
man blood would ooze from the ruptured part 
as he held the shoot in his hand, and fall 
slowly to the ground. He was greatly terri- 
fied at this spectacle, considering it as some 
omen of very dreadful import. He imme- 
diately and instinctively offered up a prayer 
to the presiding deities of the land, that they 
would avert from him the evil influences, 
whatever they might be, which the omen 
seemed to portend, or that they would at least 
explain the meaning of the prodigy. After 
offering this prayer, he took hold of another 
stem of the myrtle, and attempted to draw it 
from the ground, in order to see whether any 
change in the appearances exhibited by the 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF ^NEAs. 121 

Words of the myrtle. Story of I'olydorus. 

prodigy liad been effected by his prayer. At 
the instant, however, when the roots began to 
give way, he heard a groan coming up from 
the ground below, as if from a person in suf- 
fering. Immediately afterward a voice, in a 
mournful and sepulchral accent, began to beg 
him to go away, and cease disturbing the re- 
pose of the dead. "What you are tearing 
and lacerating," said the voice, " is not a tree, 
but a man. I am Polydorus. I was killed 
by the king of Thrace, and instead of burial, 
have been turned into a myrtle growing on 
the shore." 

Polydorus was a Trojan prince. He was 
the youngest son of Priam, and had been sent 
some years before to Thrace, to be brought 
up in the court of the Thracian king. He had 
been provided with a large supply of money 
and treasure when he left Troy, in order that 
all his wants might be abundantly supj^lied, 
and that he might maintain, during his ab- 
sence from home, the position to which his 
rank as a Trojan prince entitled him. His 
treasures, however, which had been provided 
for him by his father as his sure reliance fox 
support and protection, became the occasion of 
his ruin — for the Thracian king, when he found 



122 Romulus. [B.C. 1200. 

^neas leaves Thrace. His various wanderings. 

that the war was going against the Trojans. 
and that Priam the father was slain, and the 
city destroyed, murdered the helpless son to 
get possession of his gold. 

^neas and his companions were shocked to 
hear this story, and perceived at once that 
Thrace was no place of safety for them. They 
resolved immediately to leave the coast and 
seek their fortunes in other regions. They, 
however, first, in secrecy and silence, but with 
great solemnity, j)erformed those funeral rites 
for Polydorus which were considered in those 
ages essential to the repose of the dead. 
"VYhen these mournful ceremonies were ended 
they embarked on board their ships again and 
sailed away. 

After this, the party of ^neas sjDcnt many 
months in weary voyages from island to 
island, and from shore to shore, along the 
Mediterranean sea, encountering every ima- 
ginable difficulty and danger, and meetirg 
continually with the strangest and most ro- 
mantic adventures. At one time they were 
misled by a mistaken interpretation of proph- 
ecy to attempt a settlement in Crete — a green 
and beautiful island lying south of the 
Egean sea. They had applied to a sacred 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF ^NEAS. 123 



The attempted settlement at Crete. 



oracle, which had its seat at a certain conse- 
crated spot which they visited in the course of 
their progress southward through the Egean 
sea, asking the oracle to direct them where to 
go in order to find a settled home. The oraclej 
in answer to their request, informed them that 
they were to go to the land that their ances- 
tors had originally come from, before their 
settlement in Troy. JEneas applied to An- 
chises to inform them what land this was. 
Anchises replied, that he thought it was Crete. 
There was an ancient tradition, he said, that 
some distinguished men among the ancestors 
of the Trojans had originated in Crete ; and 
he presumed accordingly that that was the 
land to which the oracle referred. 

The course of the little fleet was according- 
ly directed southward, and in due time the 
expedition safely reached the island of Crete, 
and landed there. They immediately com- 
menced the work of effecting a settlement. 
They drew the ships uj) uj^on the shore ; they 
laid out a city; they inclosed and planted 
fields, and began to build their houses. In a 
short time, however, all their bright prospects 
of rest and security were blighted by the 
breaking out of a dreadful pestilence among 



124 EoMULus. [B.C. 1200, 

Calamities. iEneas's perplexity. Advice of An chises. 

them. Many died; others who still lived, 
were utterly prostrated by the eifects of the 
disease, and crawled about, emaciated and 
wretched, a miserable and piteous spectaclo 
to behold. To crown their misfortunes, a 
great drought came on. The grain which 
they had planted was dried up and killed in 
the fields ; and thus, in addition to the horrors 
of pestilence, they were threatened with the 
still greater horrors of famine. Their distress 
was extreme, and they were utterly at a loss 
to know what to do. 

In this extremity Anchises recommended 
that they should send back to the oracle to 
inquire more particularly in respect to the 
meaning of the former response, in order to 
ascertain whether they had, by possibility, 
misinterpreted it, and made their settlement 
on the wrong ground. Or, if this was not the 
case, to learn by what other error or fault they 
had displeased the celestial powers, and 
brought upon themselves such terrible judg- 
ments, ^neas determined to adopt this ad 
vice, but he was prevented from carrying hia 
intentions into effect by the following occm* 
rence. 

One night he was lying upon his couch in 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF JEneas. 125 

Sc>ene at night. The household deities. Their address to yEneao. 

his dwelling, — so harassed by his anxieties 
and cares that he could not sleep, and revolving 
in his mind all possible plans for extricating 
himself and his followers from the difficulties 
wLich environed them. The moon shone in 
at the windows, and by the light of this lu- 
minary he saw, reposing in their shrines in 
the opposite side of the apartment where he 
if {L5 sleeping, the household images which he 
}>ftd rescued from the flames of Troy. As he 
lvH)ked upon these divinities in the still and 
s«?lemn hour of midnight, oppressed with 
axixiety and care, one of them began to ad- 
dress him. 

" We are commissioned," said this super- 
natural voice, " by Apollo, whose oracle you 
are intending to consult again, to give you the 
answer that you desire, without requiring you 
to go back to his temple. It is true that you 
have erred in attempting to make a settlement 
in Crete. This is not the land which is des- 
tined to be your home. You must leave these 
ehores, and continue your voyage. The land 
which is destined to receive you is Italy, a 
land far removed from this spot, and your way 
to it lies over wide and boisterous seas. Do 
not be discouraged, however, on this account, 



126 li o M u L u s. [B.C. 1200 

Effoct of this address. Subsequent adventures. 

or on account of the calamities v^^liicli now im- 
pend over yon. Yon will be prospered in the 
end. You will reacli Italy in safety, and there 
you will lay the foundations of a mighty em- 
pire, which in days to come will extend its 
dominion far and v/ide among the nations of 
the earth. Take courage, then, and embark 
once more in your ships with a cheerful and 
confident heart. You are safe, and in the end 
all will turn out well." 

The strength and spirits of the desponding 
adventurer were very essentially revived by 
this encouragement. He immediately pre- 
pared to obey the injunctions which had been 
thus divinely communicated to him, and in a 
short time the half-built city was abandoned, 
and the expedition once more embarked on 
board the fleet and proceeded to sea. They 
met in their subsequent wanderings with a 
great variety of adventures, but it would ex- 
tend this portion of our narrative too far, to 
relate them all. They encountered a storm 
by whfch for three days and three nights they 
were tossed to and fro, without seeing sim or 
stars, and of course without any guidance 
whatever ; and during all this time they were 
in the most imminent danger of being over* 



B.C.1200.] Flight of J^neas. 127 

Danger of shipwreck. Tlie harpiea. 

whelmed and destroyed by the billows which 
rolled sublimely and frightfully around them. 
At another time, having landed for rest and 
refreshment among a group of Grecian islands, 
they were attacked by the har^ies^ birds of 
prey of jDrodigious size and most offensive 
habits, and fierce and voracious beyond de- 
scription. The harpies were celebrated, in 
fact, in many of the ancient tales, as a race 
of beings that infested certain shores, and 
often teased and tormented the mariners and 
adventurers that happened to come among 
them. Some said, however, that there was 
not a race of such beings, but only two or 
three in all, and they gave their names. And 
yet different narrators gave different names, 
among which were Aelopos, Nicothoe, Ocy- 
thoe, Ocypose, Celaeno, Acholoe, and Aello. 
Some said that the harpies had the faces and 
forms of women. Others described them as 
frightfully ugly ; but all agree in represent- 
ing them as voracious beyond description, 
always greedily devouring every thing that 
they could get within reach of their claws. 

These fierce monsters flew down upon 
^neas and his party, and carried away the 
food from off the table before them ; and eveu 



128 KoMULTjs. [B.C. 1200. 

jEneas driven away. Dangers at Mt. Etsa. 

attacked the men themselves. The men then 
armed themselves with swords, secretly, and 
waited for the next approach of the harpies, 
intending to kill them, when they came near. 
But the nimble marauders eluded all their 
blows, and escaped with their plunder as be- 
fore. At length the expedition was driven 
away from the island altogether, by these rav- 
enous fowls, and when they were embarking 
on board of their vessels, the leader of the 
harpies perched herself upon a rock overlook- 
ing the scene, and in a human voice loaded 
u^neas and his companions, as they went 
away, with taunts and execrations. 

The expedition passed one night in great 
terror and dread in the vicinity of Mount 
Etna, where they had landed. The awful 
eruptions of smoke, and flame, and burning 
lava, which issued at midnight from the sum- 
mit of the mountain,' — ^the thundering sounds 
which they heard rolling beneath them, 
through the ground, and the dread which was 
inspired in their minds by the terrible uaon- 
Bters that dwelt beneath the mountains, as they 
supposed, and fed the fires, all combined to 
impress them with a sense of unutterable awe ; 
and as soon as the light of the morning en* 



B.C. 1200.] Flight OF JEneas. 129 

The one-eyed giants. Polyphemus. 

abled them to resume their com-se, thej made 
all haste to get away from so appalling a scene. 
At another time they touched upon a coast 
A^hich was inhabited by a race of one-eyed 
giants, — monsters of enormous magnitude and 
of remorseless cruelty. They were cannibals, 
— feeding on the bodies of men whom they 
killed by grasping them in their hands and 
beating them against the rocks which formed 
the sides of their den. Some men whom one 
of these monsters, named Polyphemus, had 
shut up in his cavern, contrived to sm'prise 
their keeper in his sleep, and though they 
were wholly unable to kill him on account of 
his colossal magnitude, they succeeded in put- 
ting out his eye, and .^neas and his com- 
panions saw the blinded giant, as they passed 
along the coast, wading in the sea, and bath- 
ing his wound. He was guiding his footsteps 
as he walked, by means of the trunk of a tall 
pine which served him for a staff. 

At length, however, after the lapse of a 
long period of time, and after meeting with a 
great variety of adventures to which we can 
not even here allude, ^neas and his party 
reached the shores of Italy, at the point which 
by divine intimations had been pointed out 

I 



130 KoMTjLiJS. [B.C. 1200. 

Remarks on the story of ^neas. 

to them as the place where they were to 
land.* 

The story of the life and adventures of 
^neas, which we have given in this and in 
the preceding chapters, is a faithful summary 
of the narrative which the poetic historians 
of those days recorded. It is, of course, not 
to be relied upon as a narrative of facts ; but 
it is worthy of very special attention by every 
cultivated mind of the present day, from the 
fact, that such is the beauty, the grace, the 
melody, the inimitable poetic perfection with 
which the story is told, in the language in 
which the original record stands, that the nar» 
rative has made a more deep, and wide- 
spread, and lasting impression upon the hu- 
man mind than any other narrati re perhaps 
that ever was penned. 

t'See Map, pag@ 184^ 



B.C. 1197.] Landing in Latium. 131 

Description of the country where ^neas landed. 



Chapter YI. 
The Landing in Latium. 

LATIUM was tlie name given to an ancient 
province of Italy, lying south of the Ti- 
ber. At the time of ^neas's arrival upon the 
coast it was an independent kingdom. The 
name of the king who reigned over it at this 
period was Latinus. 

The country on the banks of the Tiber, 
where the city of Rome afterward arose, was 
then a wild but picturesque rural region, con- 
sisting of hills and valleys, occupied by shep- 
herds and. husbandmen, but with nothing 
upon it whatever, to mark it as the site of a 
city. The people that dwelt in Latium were 
shepherds and herdsmen, though there was a 
considerable band of warriors under the com- 
mand of the king. The inhabitants of the 
country were of Greek origin, and they had 
brought with them from Greece, when they 
colonized the country, such rude arts as were 
then known. They had the use of Cadmus's 
letters, for writing, so far as writing was em- 



132 KoMULus. [B.C. 1197 

The landing. Mouth of the Tiber. Burning of tho ships. 

ployed at all in those early days. They were 
skillful in making such weapons of war, and 
such simple instruments of music, as were 
known at the time, and they could erect build- 
ings, of wood, or of stone, and thus con- 
structed such dwellings as they needed, in their 
towns, and walls and citadels for defence. 

JEneas brought his fleet into the mouth of 
the Tiber, and anchored it there. He him- 
self, and all his followers were thoroughly 
weary of their wanderings, and hoped that 
they were now about to land where they 
should find a permanent abode. The number 
of ships and men that had formed the expedi- 
tion at the commencement of the voyage, was 
very large ; but it had been considerably di- 
minished by the various misfortunes and acci- 
dents incident to such an enterprise, and the 
remnant that was left longed ardently for rest. 
Some of the ships took fire, and were burned 
at their moorings in the Tiber, immediately 
after the arrival of the expedition. It was 
said that they were set on fire by the wives 
and mothers belonging to the expedition, — 
who wished, by destroying the ships, to ren- 
der it impossible for the fleet to go to sea 
again. 



B.C. 1197.] Landin G IN Latium. 138 

Italy in ancient days. An embassy. 

However tliis may be, ^ueas was very 
strongly disposed to make the beautiful region 
whicli he now saw before Mm, his final home. 
The country, in every aspect of it, was allur- 
ing in the highest degree. Level plains, va- 
ried here and there by gentle elevations, ex- 
tended around him, all adorned with groves 
and flowers, and exhibiting a luxuriance in 
the verdure of the grass and in the foliage of 
the trees that was perfectly enchanting to the 
sea-weary eyes of his company of mariners. 
In the distance, blue and beautiful moi'ntains 
bounded the horizon, and a soft, warn sum- 
mer haze floated over the whole scene, bath- 
ing the landscape in a rich mellow lii-?ht pe- 
culiar to Italian skies. 

As soon as the disembarkation was eTected, 
lines of encampment were marked oiit, at a 
suitable place on the shore, and such simple 
fortifications as were necessary for defsnce in 
such a case, were thrown up. Jj]n&'?.s dis- 
patched one party in boats to explore the va- 
rious passages and channels which forr.ied the 
mouth of the river, perhaps in order to be 
prepared to make good his escape a^^ain, to 
8ea, in case of any sudden or extraordinary 
danger. Another party were employed in 



134 



Romulus. [B.C. 1197. 



Sacrifices offered. 



Map of Latium. 



erecting altars, and preparing for sacrifices 
and other religious celebrations, designed on 
the part of ^neas to propitiate the deities of 
the place, and to inspire his men with reli- 
gious confidence and trust. He also imme- 
diately proceeded to organize a party of re- 
connoiterers who were to proceed into the in- 
terior, to explore the country and to commu- 
nicate with the inhabitants. 




Map of Latium. 



B.C. 1197.] Landing in Latium. 135 

Reconnoitring the country. King Latinus. 

The party of reconnoiterers thus sent out 
tollowed up the banks of the river, and made 
excursions in various directions across the 
fields and plains. They found that the coun- 
try was everywhere verdant and beautiful, 
and that it was covered in the interior with 
scattered hamlets and towns. They learned 
the name of the king, and also that of the city 
which he made his capitol. Latinus himself 
at the same time, heard the tidings of the ar- 
rival of these strangers. His first impulse 
was immediately to make an onset upon them 
with all his forces, and drive them away from 
his shores. On farther inquiry, however, he 
learned that they were in a distressed and 
suffering condition, and from the descriptions 
which were given him of their dress and de- 
meanor he concluded that they were Greeks. 
This idea awakened in his mind some appre- 
hension ; for the Greeks were then well known 
throughout the world, and were regarded 
everywhere as terrible enemies. Besides his 
fears, his pity and compassion were awakened , 
too, in some degree ; and he was on the whole 
for a time quite at a loss to know what course 
to pm'sue in respect to the intruders. 

Li the mean time ^neas concluded to send 



136 - Udmulqs. [B.C. 1197. 



The embassy come to the capital. 



an embassy to Latinus to explain the circum- 
stances under wliich he had been induced to 
land so large a party on the Italian coast. 
He accordingly designated a considerable 
number of men to form this embassy, and 
giving to some of the number his instructions 
as to what they were to say to Latinus, he 
committed to the hands of tho others a large 
number of gifts which they were to carry and 
present to him. These gifts consisted of weap- 
ons elaborately finished, vessels of gold or 
silver, embroidered garments, and such other 
articles as were customarily employed in 
those days as propitiatory offerings in such 
emergencies. The embassy when all was ar- 
ranged proceeded to the Latian capital. 

When they came in sight of it they found 
that it was a spacious city, with walls around 
it, and turrets and battlements within, rising 
here and there above the roofs of the dwel- 
lings. Outside the gates a portion of the 
po]3ulation were assembled busily engaged in 
games, and in various gymnastic and eques- 
trian performances. Some were driving fu- 
riously in cliariots around great circles marked 
out for the course. Others were practicing 
feats of horsemanship, or running races upon 



13,0.1197.] Landing IN Latium. 137 

The embassadors are admitted to an audience. 

fleet chargers. Others still were practicing 
with darts, or bows and arrows, or javelins ; 
either to test and improve their individual 
skill, or else to compete with each other for 
victory or for a prize. The embassadors 
paused when thej came in view of this scene, 
and waited until intelligence could be sent in 
to the monarch, informing him of their ar- 
rival. 

Latinus decided immediately to admit the 
embassy to an audience, and they were ac- 
cordingly conducted into the city. They were 
led, after entering by the gates, through va- 
rious streets, until they came at length to a 
large public edifice, which seemed to be, at 
the same time, palace, senate-house, and cita- 
del. There were to be seen, in the avenues 
which led to this edifice, statues of old war- 
riors, and various other martial decorations. 
There were many old trophies of former vic- 
tories preserved here, such as anus, and char- 
lots, and prows of ships, and crests, and great 
bolts and bars taken from the gates of con- 
quered cities, — all old, war-worn, and now 
useless, but preserved as memorials of brav 
ery and conquest. The Trojan embassy, pass- 
ing through and among these trophies, as they 



138 RoMULQs. [B.C. 1197. 

Their address to king Latinus. 

stood or hung in the halls and vestibules of 
the palace, were at length ushered into the 
presence of Latinus the king. 

Here, after the usual ceremonies of intro- 
duction were performed, they delivered the 
message which ^neas had intrusted to them. 
They declared that they had not landed on 
Latinus's shore with any hostile intent. They 
had been driven away, they said, from their 
own homes, by a series of dire calamities, 
which had ended, at last, in the total destruc- 
tion of their native city. Since then they 
had been driven to and fro at the mercy of 
the winds and waves, exposed to every con- 
ceivable degree of hardship and danger. 
Their landing finally in the dominions of La- 
tinus in Italy, was not, they confessed, wholly 
undesigned, for Latium had been divinely 
indicated to them, on their way, as the place 
destined by the decrees of heaven for their 
final home. Following these indications, they 
had sought the shores of Italy and the mouths 
of the Tiber, and having succeeded in reach- 
ing them, had landed ; and now JEneas, their 
commander, desired of the king that he would 
allow them to settle in his land in peace, and 
that he would set apart a portion of his terri- 



B.C. 1197.] Landing in Latitjm. 139 

Latiniis accedes to JSneas's requests. 

toiy for them, and give them leave to build a 
city. 

The effect produced upon the mind of La- 
tinus by the appearance of these embassadors, 
and by the communication which they made 
to him, proved to be highly favorable. He 
received the presents, too, which they had 
brought him, in a very gracious manner, and 
appeared to be much pleased with them. He 
had heard, as would seem, rumors of the de- 
struction of Troy, and of the departure of 
-^neas's squadron ; for a long time had been 
consumed by the wanderings of the expedi- 
tion along the Mediterranean shores, so that 
some years had now elapsed since the de- 
struction of Troy and the first sailing of the 
fleet. In a word, Latinus soon determined to 
accede to the proposals of his visitors, and he 
concluded with ^neas a treaty of alliance 
and friendship. He designated a spot where 
the new city might be built, and all things 
were thus amicably settled. 

There was one circumstance which exerted 
a powerful influence in promoting the estab- 
lishment of friendly relations between Latinus 
and the Trojans, and that was, that Latinus 
was engaged, at the time of ^neas's arrival, 



MO E o M u L u s. [B.C. 1197. 

Proposal of marriage. Lavinia and Turnus. 

in a war with the Kutulians, a nation tliat 
inhabited a country lying south of Latium 
and on the coast. Latinns thought that by 
making the Trojans his friends, he should be 
able to enlist them as his auxiliaries in this 
war. ^neas made no objection to this, and 
it was accordingly agreed that the Trojans, 
in return for being received as friends, and 
allowed to settle in Latium, were to join with 
their protectors in defending the country, and 
were especially to aid them in prosecuting 
the existing war. 

In a short time a still closer alliance was 
formed between ^neas and Latinus, an alli- 
ance which in the end resulted in the acces- 
sion of JEneas to the throne of Latinus. Lati- 
nus had a daughter named Lavinia. She was 
an only child, and was a princess of extraor- 
dinary merit and beauty. The name of the 
queen, her mother, the wife of Latinus, was 
Amata. Amata had intended her daughter 
to be the wife of Turnus, a young prince of 
great character and promise, who had been 
brought up in Latinus's court. Turnus was, 
in fact, a distant relative of Amata, and the 
plan of the queen was that he should maiTy 
Lavinia, and in the end succeed with hei, t<r 



B.C. 1197.] Landing in Latium. Ml 

The anger of Turniis at being set aside. 

the throne of Latinus. Latinus himself had 
not entered into this scheme ; and when clos- 
ing his negotiations with ^neas, it seemed to 
iiim that it would be well to seal and secure 
he adherence of JEneas to his cause by offer- 
ihg him his daughter Lavinia for his bride 
^neas was very willing to accede to this pro- 
posal. What the wishes of Lavinia herself 
were in respect to the arrangement, it is not 
very well known ; nor were her wishes, ac- 
cording to the ideas that prevailed in those 
times, of any consequence whatever. The 
23lan was arranged, and the nuptials were soon 
to be celebrated. Turnus, when he found 
that he was to be superseded, left the coui't 
of Latinus, and went away out of the country 
in a rage. 

JEneas and his followers seemed now to 
have come to the end of all their troubles. 
They were at last happily established in a 
fruitful land, surrounded by powerful friends, 
and about to enter apparently upon a long 
career of peaceful and prosperous industry. 
They immediately engaged with great ardor 
in the work of building their town. JEneas 
had intended to have named it Troy, in com- 
memoration of the ancient city now no more 



142 KoMTJLrs. [B.C. 1197. 

Situation of the Trojan territory. Lavinium. 

But, in view of his approaching marriage with 
Lavinia, he determined to change this design, 
and, in honor of her, to name the new capital 
Lavinium. 

The territory which had been assigned tc 
the Trojans by Latinus was in the south-west- 
ern part of Latium, near the coast, and of 
course it was on the confines of the country 
of the Rutulians. Turnus, when he left 
Latium, went over to the Rutulians, deter- 
mining, in his resentment against Latinus for 
having given Lavinia to his rival, to join them 
in the war. The Rutulians made him their 
leader, and he soon advanced at the head of 
a great army across the frontier, toward the 
new city of Lavinium. Thus ^neas found 
himself threatened with a very formidable 
danger. 

l^ov was this all. For just before the com- 
mencement of the war with Turnus, an ex- 
traordinary train of circumstances occurred 
which resulted in alienating the Latins them- 
selves from their new ally, and in leaving 
yEneas consequently to sustain the shock of 
the contest with Turnus and his Rutulians 
alone. It would naturally be supposed that 
the alliance between Latinus and ^neas 



B.C. 1197.] Landing- in Latium. 143 



The story of Sylvia's stag. 



would not be very favorably regarded by the 
coramon people of Latium. They would, on 
the other hand, naturally look with much 
jealousy and distrust on a company of foreign 
intruders, admitted by what they would be 
very likely to consider the capricious partial- 
ity of their king, to a share of their country. 
This jealousy and distrust was, for a time, 
suppressed and concealed ; but the animosity 
orAy acquired strength and concentration by 
being restrained, and at length an event oc- 
cm'red which caused it to break forth with 
uncontrollable fury. The circumstances were 
these : 

There was a man in Latium named Tyr- 
rheus, who held the office of royal herdsman. 
He lived in his hut on some of the domains 
of Latinus, and had charge of the flocks and 
herds belonging to the king. He had two 
sons, and likewise a daughter. The daughter's 
name was Sylvia. The two boys had one day 
succeeded in making prisoner of a young stag, 
which they found in the woods with its mother. 
It was extremely young when they captured 
it, and they brought it home as a great prize. 
They fed it with milk until it was old enough 
to take other food, and as it grew up accus-- 



144 KoMULTis. [B.C. 1197 

Ascanius ehoota the staff. 

tomed to their hands, it was very tame and 
docile, and became a great favorite with all 
the family. Sylvia loved and played with it 
continually. She kept it always in trim by 
washing it in a fountain, and combing and 
smoothing its hair, and she amused herself by 
adorning it with wreaths, and garlands, and 
such other decorations as her sylvan resources 
could command. 

One day when Ascanius, ^neas's son, who 
had now grown to be a young man, and who 
seems to have been characterized by a full 
share of the ardent and impulsive energy be- 
longing to his years, was returning from the 
chase, he happened to pass by the place 
where the herdsman lived. Ascanius was fol- 
lowed by his dogs, and he had his bow and 
arrows in his hand. As he was thus passing 
along a copse of wood, near a brook, the dogs 
came suddenly upon Sylvia's stag. The con- 
fiding animal, unconscious of any danger, had 
strayed away from the herdsman's grounds to 
this grove, and had gone down to the brook 
to drink. The dogs immediately sprang upon 
him, in full cry. Ascanius followed, drawing 
at the same time an arrow from his quiver 
and fittinof it to the bow. As soon as he came 




, . ^J"' 



B.C. HOT.] Landing IN Latium. 147 

The resentment of Sylvia's brothers. 

in sight of the stag, he let fly his arrow. Tho 
arrow pierced the poor fugitive in the side, 
and inflicted a dreadful wound. It did not, 
however, bring him down. The stag bounded 
on down the valley toward his home, as if to 
seek protection from Sylvia. He came rush- 
ing into the house, marking his way with 
blood, ran to the covert which Sylvia had pro- 
vided for his resting-place at night, and 
ciouching down there he filled the whole 
dwelling with piteous bleatings and cries. 

As soon as Tyrrheus, the father of Sylvia, 
and the two young men, her brothers, knew 
who it was that had thus wantonly wounded 
tlieir favorite, they were filled with indigna- 
tion and rage. They went out and aroused 
the neighboring peasantry, who very easily 
caught the spirit of resentment and revenge 
which bm-ned in the bosoms of Tyrrheus and 
his sons. They armed themselves with clubs, 
firebrands, scythes, and such other rustic 
weapons as came to hand, and rushed forth, 
resolved to punish the overbearing insolence 
of their foreign visitors, in the most summary 
manner. 

In the mean time the Trojan youth, having 
heard the tidings of this disturbance, began to 



148 Romulus. [B.C. 1197. 

Sudden outbreak. Death of Alraon. Great excitement. 

gather hastily, but in great numbers, to defend 
Ascanius. The parties on both sides were 
headstrong, and highly excited ; and before 
any of the older and more considerate chief- 
tains could interfere, a verv serious conflict 
ensued. One of the sons of Tyrrheus was 
killed. He was pierced in the throat by an 
arrow, and fell and died immediately. His 
name was Almon. He was but a boy, or at 
all events had not yet arrived at years of ma- 
turity, and his premature and sudden death 
added greatly to the prevailing excitement. 
Another man too was killed. At length the 
conflict was brought to an end for the time, 
but the excitement and the exasperation of 
the peasantry were extreme. They carried the 
two dead, bodies in procession to the capital, 
to exhibit them to Latinus ; and they de- 
manded, in the most earnest and determined 
manner, that he should immediately make 
war upon the whole Trojan horde, and drive 
them back into the sea, whence they came. 

Latinus found it extremely difficult to with- 
stand this torrent. He remained firm for a 
time, and made every exertion in his power to 
quell the excitement and to pacify the minds 
of his people. But all was. in vain. Public 



D.C. 1196.] Landing in Latium. 149 

Preparation for war. Latimis. 

sentiment turned hopelessly against the Tro- 
jans, and JEneas soon found himself shut \rp 
in his city, surrounded with enemies, and left 
to his fate. Turnus was the leader of these foes. 

He, however, did not despair. Both parties 
began to prepare vigorously for war. ^neas 
himself went away with a few followers to 
some of the neighboring kingdoms, to get suc- 
cor from them. ^Neighboring states are almost 
always jealous of each other, and are easily 
induced to take part against each other, when 
involved in foreign wars, ^neas found sev- 
eral of the Italian princes who were ready to 
aid him, and he returned to his camp with 
considerable reinforcements, and with prom- 
ises of more. The war soon broke out, and 
was waged for a long time with great deter- 
mination on both sides and with varied suc- 
cess. 

Latinus, who was now somewhat advanced 
in life, and had thus passed beyond the period 
of ambition and love of glory, and who be- 
sides must have felt that the interests of his 
family were now indissolubly bound up in 
those of ^neas and Lavinia, watched the 
progress of the contest with a voy uneasy and 
anxiousi mind. He found that for a time at 



150 EoMULus. [B.C. 1196. 

The Trojans gradually gain ground. 

least it would be out of his power to do any 
thing cfi'octual to terminate the war, so he al- 
lowed it to take its course, and contented him 
self with waiting patiently, in hopes that an 
occasion which would allow of his interposing 
with some hope of success, would sooner or 
later come. 

Such an occasion did come ; for after the 
war had been prosecuted for some time it was 
found, that notwithstanding the disadvantages 
under which the Trojans labored, thej were 
rather gaining than losing ground. There 
were in fact some advantages as well as some 
disadvantages in their position. They formed 
a compact and concentrated body, while their 
enemies constituted a scattered population, 
spreading in a more or less exposed condition 
over a considerable extent of country. They 
had neither flocks nor herds, nor any other 
proj)erty for their enemies to plunder, while 
the Rutulians and Latins had great posses- 
sions, both of treasure in the towns and of 
rural produce in the country, so that when the 
Trojans gained the victory over them in any 
sally or foray, they always came home laden 
with booty, as well as exultant in triumph and 
pride ; while if the Latins conquered the Tro- 



B.C. 1196.] Landing in Latium. 151 

De3ii 3 for peace. Turnus opposes it. 

jans in a battle, they had nothing but the 
empty honor to reward them. The Trojans, 
too, were hardy, enduring, and indomitable. 
The alternative with them was yictory or de- 
struction. Their protracted voyage, and the 
long experience of hardships and suiFerings 
which they had undergone, had inured them 
to privation and toil, so that they proved to 
the Latins and Rutulians to be very obstinate 
and formidable foes. 

At length, as usual in such cases, indica- 
tions gradually appeared that both sides be- 
gan to be weary of the contest. Latinus 
availed himself of a favorable occasion which 
offered, to propose that embassadors should be 
sent to ^neas with terms of peace. Turnus 
was very much opposed to any such plan. He 
was earnestly desirous of continuing to prose- 
cute the war. The other Latin chieftains rc- 
i:)roached him then with being the cause of all 
the calamities which they were enduring, and 
urged the unreasonableness on his 2)art of de- 
siring any longer to j)rotract the sufferings of 
his unhappy country, merely to gratify his 
own private resentment and revenge. Turnus 
ought not any longer to ask, they said, that 
others should fight in his quarrel ; and they 



152 Romulus. [B.C. 1106. 

A proposal for single combat. 

proposed that he should himself decide the 
question between him and ^neas, by chal 
lenging the Trojan leader to light him in 
single combat. 

Latinus strongly disapproved of this propo- 
sal. He was weary of war and bloodshed, 
and wished that the conflict might wholly 
cease ; and he m'ged that peace should be 
made with ^neas, and that his original de- 
sign of giving him Lavinia for his wife should 
be carried into execution. For a moment 
Turnus seemed to hesitate, but in looking to- 
wards Lavinia who, with Amata her mother, 
was present at this consultation, he saw, or 
thought he saw, in the agitation which she 
manifested, proofs of her love for him, and 
indications of a wish on her part that he and 
not ^neas should win her for his bride. 

He accordingly without any farther hesita- 
tion or delay agreed to the proposal of the 
counsellor. The challenge to single combat 
was given and accepted, and on the appointed 
day the ground w^as marked out for the duel, 
and both armies were drawn up upon the field, 
to be spectators of the fight. 

After the usual preparations the conflict be- 
gan ; but, as frequently occurs in such cases, 



B.C. 1196.J Landing IN Laiium. 153 

RoBult of tlie combat. Marriage of .Eneas. 

it was not long confined to the single pair of 
combatants with which it commenced. Others 
were gradually drawn in, and the duel be- 
came in the end a general battle, ^neas and 
the Trojans were victorious, and both Latinus 
and Turnus were slain. This ended the war. 
^neas married Lavinia, and thenceforth 
reigned with her over the kingdom of Latium 
as its rightful sovereign. 

^neas lived several years after this, ana 
has the credit, in history, of having managed 
the affairs of the kingdom in a very wise and 
provident manner. He had brought with him 
from Troy the arts and the learning of the 
Greeks, and these he introduced to his j)eople 
BO as greatly to improve their condition. He 
introduced, too, many ceremonies of religious 
worship, which had prevailed in the countries 
from w^hich he had come, or in those which 
he had visited in his long voyage. These 
ceremonies became at last so firmly establish- 
ed among the religious observances of the 
inhabitants of Latium, that they descended 
from generation to generation, and in subse- 
quent years exercised great influence, in 
modeling the religious faith and worship of 
the Koman people. They thus continued to 



154 Romulus. [B.C. 1190 

iEaeas drowned in the Numicius. 



be practiced for many ages, and, tlirougli the 
literature of the Romans, became subsequent- 
ly known and celebrated throughout the whole 
civilized world. 

At length, in a war which ^neas was wag- 
ing with the Rutulians, he was once, after a 
battle, reduced to great extremity of danger, 
and in order to escape from his pursuers he 
attempted to swim across a stream, and was 
drowned. The name of this stream was 
ISTumicius. It flowed into the sea a little north 
of Lavinium. It must have been larger in 
former times than it is now, for travelers who 
visit it at the present day say that it is now 
only a little rivulet, in which it would be 
almost impossible for any one to be drowned. 

The Trojan followers of -^neas concealed 
his body, and spread the story among the 
people of Latium that he had been taken up 
to heaven. The people accordingly, having 
before considered their king as the son of a 
goddess, now looked upon him as himself 
divine. They accordingly erected altars to 
him in Latium, and thenceforth worshiped 
him as a God. 



B.C. 800.] IUea Silvia. 155 

Rhea Silvia. The order of vestal virjfina. 



Chapter YII. 

Khea Silvia. 

RHEA SILYIA, the mother of RomuluB, 
was a vestal virgin, who lived in the 
kingdom of Latium about fonr hundred years 
after the death of ^neas. A vestal virgin 
was a sort of priestess, who was required, like 
the nuns of modern times, to live in seclusion 
from the rest of the world, and devote their 
time wholly and without reserve to the ser- 
vices of religion. They were, like nuns, 
especially prohibited from all association and 
intercourse with men. 

^neas himself is said to have founded the 
order of vestal virgins, and to have instituted 
the rites and services which were committed 
to their charge. These rites and services were 
in honor of Yesta, who was the goddess of v 
Ilomc. The fireside has been, in all ages and 
countries, the center and the symbol of home, 
and the worship of Yesta consisted, accord- 
ingly, of ceremonies designed to dignify and 
exalt the fireside in the estimation of the 



156 EoMULus. [B.C. 800. 

The ancient focus. Arrangement for fire. 

people. Instead of tlie images and altars 
whicli were used in the worship of the other 
deities, a representation of a fire-stand was 
made, such as were used in the houses of those 
days ; and upon this sacred stand a fire was 
kept continually burning, and various rites 
and ceremonies were performed in connection 
with it, in honor of the domestic virtues and 
enjoyments, of which it was the type and 
symbol. 

These fire-stands, as used by the ancients, 
were very difi'erent from the fire-places of 
modern times, which are recesses in chimneys 
with flues above for the passage of the smoke. 
The household fires of the ancients were 
placed in the center of the apartment, on a 
hearth or supporter called the focus. This 
hearth was made sometimes of stone or brick, 
and sometimes of bronze. The smoke escaped 
above, through openings in the roof. This 
would seem, according to the ideas of the 
present day, a very comfortless arrangement; 
but it must be remembered that the climate 
in those countries was mild, and there was 
accordingly but little occasion for fire ; and 
then, besides, such were the habits of the 
people at this period of the world, that not 



B.C. 800.] Ehea Silvia. 157 

Nature of the ceremonies instituted in honor of Veata. 

oulj their j)ursuits and avocations, but far the 
fi^reater portion of their pleasures, called them 
into the open air. Still, the fire-place was, 
with them as with us, the type and emblem 
of domestic life ; and accordingly, in paying 
divine honors to Yesta, the goddess of Home, 
they set uj) ^focus^ or fire-place, in her tem- 
ple, instead of an altar, and in the place of 
sacrifices they simply kept burning upon it 
a perpetual fire. 

The priestesses who had charge of the fire 
were selected for this purpose when they were 
children. It was required that they should 
be from six to ten years of age. When chosen 
they were consecrated to the service of Yesta 
\fj the most solemn ceremonies, and as vir 
gins, were bound under awful penalties, to 
spotless purity of life. As the perpetual fire 
in the temple of Yesta represented the fire of 
the domestic hearth, so tliese vestal virgins 
represented the maidens by whom the domes- 
tic service of a household is performed ; and 
the life of seclusion and celibacy which was 
required of them was the emblem of the in- 
nocence and purity which the institution of 
the family is expressly intended to guard. 
The duties of the vestals were analo£:ous tc 



15S EoMULUs. [B.C. 800. 

Her vestal virgins. Their duties. 

those of domestic maidens. They were to 
watcli the fire, and never to allow it to go out. 
They were to perform various rites and cere- 
iTionies connected with the worship of Yesta, 
and to keep the interior of the temple and tlie 
shrines pure and clean, and the sacred vessels 
and utensils arranged, as in a well-ordered 
household. In a word, they w^ere to be, in 
purity, in industry, in neatness, in order, and 
in patience and vigilance, the perfect imper- 
sonation of maidenly virtue as exhibited in its 
own proper field of duty at home. 

The most awful penalties were visited u23on 
the head of any vestal virgin who was guilty 
of violating her vows. There is no direct evi- 
dence what these j)enalties were at this early 
period, but in subsequent years, at Rome, 
where the vestal virgins resided, the man who 
was guilty of enticing one of them away from 
her duty was publicly scourged to death in 
the Roman forum. For the vestal herself, 
thus led away, a cell was dug beneath the 
ground, and vaulted over. A pit led down to 
this subterranean dungeon, entering it by one 
3ide. In the dungeon itself there was placed 
a table, a lamp, and a little food. The descei.t 
was by a ladder which passed down through 



B.C.800.J Ehea Silvia. 159 

Terrible punishment for those who violated their vowa. 

the pit. The place of this terrible preparation 
for 2)unishment was near one of the gates of 
the citj, and when all was ready the unhappy 
vestal was brought forth, at the head of a 
great j)ublic procession, — she herself being 
attended by her friends and relatives, all 
mourning and lamenting her fate by the way. 
The ceremony, in a word, was in all respects 
a funeral, except that the person who was to 
be buried was still alive. On arriving at the 
spot, the wretched criminal was conducted 
down the ladder and placed upon the couch 
in tlie cell. The assistants who performed 
this service then returned; the ladder was 
drawn up ; earth was thrown in until the pit 
was filled ; and the erring girl was left to her 
fate, which was, when her lamp had burned 
out, and her food was expended, to starve by 
slow degrees, and die at last in darkness and 
despair. 

If we would do full justice to the ancient 
founders of civilization and empire, we should 
probably consider their enshrinement of 
Yesta, and the contriving of the ceremonies 
and observances which were instituted in 
honor of her, not as the setting up of an idol 
or false god, for worship, in tlie sense in 



160 EoMULus. [B.C. 80a 

Similar observances in modern times. 

whicli Christian nations worsliip the spiritual 
and eternal Jehovah — but rather as the em 
bodiment of an idea, — a principle, — as tho 
best means, in those rude ages, of attracting 
to it the general regard. 

Even in our own days, and in Christian 
lands, men erect a pole in honor of liberty, 
and surmount it with the image of a cap. 
.A.nd if, instead of the cap, they were to place 
a carved efO^gy of liberty above, and to as- 
semble for periodical celebrations below, with 
games, and music, and banners, we should 
not probably call them idolaters. So Chris- 
tian poets write odes and invocations to Peace, 
to Disappointment, to Spring, to Beauty, in 
which they impersonate an idea, or a princi- 
ple, and address it in the language of adora- 
tion, as if it were a sentient being, possessing 
magical and mysterious powers. In the same 
manner, the rites and celebrations of ancient 
times are not necessarily all to be considered 
as idolatry, and denounced as inexcusably 
wicked and absurd. Our fathers set up an 
image in honor of liberty, to strengthen tho 
influence of the love of liberty on the popular 
mind. It is possible that^neas looked upon 
the subject in the same light, in erecting a 



B.C. 800.] Rhea Silvia. 161 

Influence of the vestal institution. Cervjmoniea. 

public fireside in honor of domestic peace 
and happiness, and in designating maidens to 
guard it with constant vigilance and with 
spotless purity. At all events, the institution 
exercised a vast and an incalculable power, 
in impressing the minds of men, in those rude 
ages, with a sense of the sacredness of the 
domestic tie, and in keeping before their 
minds a high standard, in theory at least, ot 
domestic honor and purity. We must re- 
member that they had not then the word of 
God, nor any means of communicating to the 
minds of the people any general enlighten- 
ment and instruction. They were obliged, 
therefore, to resort to the next best method 
which their ingenuity could devise. 

There were a great many very extraordinary 
rites and ceremonies connected with the ser- 
vice of the vestal altar, and many singular 
regulations for the conduct of it, the origin 
and design of which it would now be very 
difficult to ascertain. As has already been 
remarked, the virgins were chosen when very 
young, being, when designated to the office, 
not under six nor over ten years of age. They 
were chosen by the king, and it was necessary 
tliat the candidate, besides the above-named 

L 



162 Romulus. [B.C. 800. 

Qualifications of the candidate. Term of sar vice. 

requisite in regard to age, should be in a 
perfect condition of soundness and health in 
respect to all her bodily limbs and members, 
and also to the faculties of her mind. It was 
required too that she should be the daughter 
of free and freeborn parents, who had never 
been in slavery, and had never followed any 
menial or degrading occupation ; and also 
that both her parents should be living. To 
be an orphan was considered, it seems, in 
some sense an imperfection. 

The service of the vestal virgins continued 
for thirty years; and when this period had 
expired, the maidens were discharged from 
their vows, and were allowed, if they chose, 
to lay aside their vestal robes, and the other 
emblems of their office, and return to the 
world, with the privilege even of marrying, 
if they chose to do so. Though the laws how- 
ever permitted this, there was a public senti- 
ment against it, and it was seldom that any 
of the vestal priestesses availed themselves 
of the privilege. They generally remained 
after their term of service had expired, in at- 
tendance at the temple, and died as they had 
lived in the service of the goddess. 

One of the chief functions of the virgins, id 



B.C. 800.] KiiEA biLviA. 163 



The sacrod fire. Punishment for neglect of duty. 

their service in the temple, was to keep the 
sacred iire jDcrpetually biirniDg. This fire 
was never to go out, and if, by any neglect 
on the part of the vestal in attendance, this 
M^as allowed to occur, the guilty maiden was 
2)unished terribly by scourging. Tlie punish- 
ment was inflicted by the hands of the high- 
est pontifical officer of the state. The laws 
of the institution however evinced their high 
regard for the purity and modesty of the ves- 
tal maidens by requiring that the blows should 
be administered in the dark, the sufferer hav- 
ing been previously prepared to receive them 
by being partially undressed by her female 
attendants. The extinguished fire was then 
rekindled with many solemn ceremonies. 

Ehea Silvia, the mother of Eomulus, was, 
we repeat, a vestal virgin. She lived fou/ 
hundred years after the death of ^neas. 
During these four centuries, the kingdom 
had been governed by the descendants of I 
^neas, generally in a peaceful and prosperous \ 
manner, although some difficulties occurred 
in the establishment of the succession imme- 
diately after ^neas's death. It will be re- 
membered that JEneas was drowned during 
the continuance of the war. He left one son, 



164 Homulus. [B.C. 800, 

Question in regard to the succession. 

and perhaps others. The one who figured 
most conspicuously in the subsequent history 
of the kingdom, was Ascanius, the son who 
had accompanied ^neas from Troy, and who 
had now attained to years of maturity. He, 
of course, on his father's death, immediately 
succeeded him. 

There was some question, however, wheth- 
er, after all, Lavinia herself was not entitled 
to the kingdom. It was doubtful, according 
to the laws and usages of those days, whether 
^neas held the realm in his own right, or as 
the husband of Lavinia, who was the daughter 
and heir of Latinus, the ancient and legiti 
mate king. Lavinia, however, seemed tc 
have no disposition to assert her claim. She 
was of a mild and gentle spirit ; and, besides, 
her health was at that time such as to lead 
her to wish for retirement and repose. She 
even had some fears for her personal safety, 
not k/iowing but that Ascanius would be sus- 
picious and jealous of her on account of her 
claims to the throne, and that he might be 
tempted to do her some injury. Her husband 
had been her only protector among the Tro- 
jans, and now, since he was no more, and 
another, who was in some sense her rival, had 



B.C.1190.] Rhea Silvia. 105 



Orisin of the name Silvius. 



risen to power, slie naturally felt insecure. 
She accordingly took the first opportunity to 
retire from Lavinium. She went aw^ay into 
the forests in the interior of the country, with 
a very few attendants and friends, and con- 
cealed herself there in a safe retreat. The 
family that received and sheltered her, was 
that of Tyrrheus, the chief of her father's 
shepherds, whose children's stag Ascanius 
had formerly killed. Here, in a short time, 
she had a son. She determined to name him 
from his father ; and in order to commemorate 
his havino^ been born in the midst of the wild 
forest scenes which surrounded her at the 
time of his birth, she called him in ful], 
^neas of the woods, or, as it was expressed 
in the lano-uas-e which was then used in La- 
tium, -zEneas Silvius. The boy, when he grew 
np, w^as always known by this name in sub- 
sequent history. 

And not only did he himself retain the 
name, but he transmitted it to his posterity, 
for all the kings that afterward descended 
from him, extending in a long line through a 
period of four hundred years, had the word 
Sylvius affixed to their names, in perpetual 
commemoration of the romantic birth of their 



166 KoMULus. [B.C. 1185. 

Iliatorj of Ascaiiius. Hia war with Mezentius. 

ancestor. Rhea, the mother of Romulus, of 
whom we have already spoken, of and wlioni 
we shall presently have occasion to speak still 
more, was Rhea Silvia^ by reason of her hav- 
ing been by birth a princess of this royal 
line. 

Ascanius, in the mean time, on the death 
of his father, w^as for a time so engrossed in 
the prosecution of the war, that he paid but 
little attention to the departure of Lavinia. 
The name of the king of the Rutulians who 
fought against him was Mezentius. Mezen- 
tius had a son named Lausns, and both father 
and son were personally serving in the army 
by which Ascanius was besieged in Lavinium. 
Mezentius had command in the camp, at the 
head-quarters of the army, which was at some 
distance from the city. Lausus headed an 
advanced guard, which had established itself 
strongly at a post which they had taken near 
the gates. In this state of things, Ascanius, 
one dark and stormy night, planned a sortie. 
fie organized a desperate body of followers, 
and after watching the flashes of lightning for 
a time, to find omens from them indicating 
success, he gave the signal. The gates were 
opened and the column of armed men sallied 



B.C.1185.] EiiEA Silvia. 167 

The Trojans victorious. Settlement of the kingdom. 

forth, creeping noiselessly forward in the 
darkness and gloom, until they came to the 
encampment of Lausus. They fell upon this 
camp with an irresistible rush, and with ter- 
rific shouts and outcries. The whole detach- 
ment w^ere taken entirely by surprise, and 
great numbers w^ere made prisoners or slain. 
Lausus himself was killed. 

Excited by their \'Ictoiy, the Trojan soldiers, 
lieaded by Ascanius, now turned their course 
toward the main body of the Kutulian army. 
Mezentius had, however, in the mean time, 
obtained warning of their approach, and when 
they reached his camp he was ready to re- 
treat. He fled with all his forces toward the 
mountains. Ascanius and the Trojans fol- 
lo^\'ed him. Mezentius halted and attempted 
to fortify himself on a hill. Ascanius sur- 
rounded the hill, and soon compelled his ene- 
mies to come to terms. A treaty was made, 
and Mezentius and his forces soon after with- 
drew from the country, leaving Ascanius and 
Latium in peace. 

Ascanius then, after having in some degree 
settled his affairs, began to think of Lavinia. 
In fact, the Latian portion of his subjects 
Bcemed disposed to murmur and complain, at 



168 KoMULus. [B.C. 1185. 

Lavinia recalled. The building of Alba Longa. 

her having been compelled to witlidraw from 
her own paternal kingdom, in order to leave 
tlie throne to the occupancy of the son of a 
stranger. Some even feared that she had 
come to some harm, or that Ascanins might 
in the end put her to death when time had 
been allowed for the recollection of her to pass 
in some degree from the minds of men. So 
the public began generally to call for La- 
vinia's return. 

Ascanius seems to have been well disposed 
.0 do justice in the case, for he not only sought 
out Lavinia and induced her to return to the 
capital with her little son, but he finally con- 
cluded to give up Lavinium to her entirely, as 
her own rightful dominion, w^hile he went 
away and founded a new city for himself. He 
accordingly explored the country around for 
a favorable site, and at length decided upon 
a spot nearly north of Lavinium, and not man^* 
miles distant from it. The place which he 
marked out for the w^alls of the city was at 
the foot of a mountain, on a tract of somewhat 
elevated ground, which formed one of the 
lower declivities of it. The mountain, risine: 
abruptly on one side, formed a sure defense 
on that side : on the other side was a small 



B.C. 1185.] Ehea Silvia. 169 

Situation of Alba Longa. Tho name. 

lake, of clear and pellucid water. In front, 
and somewhat below, there were extended 
plains of fertile land. Ascanius, after having 
determined on this place as the site of his in- 
tended city, set his men at work to make the 
necessary constructions. Some built the walls 
of the city, and laid out streets and erected 
houses within. Others were employed in 
forming the declivity of the mountain above 
into terraces, for the cultivation of the vine. 
The slopes which they thus graded had a 
southern exposure, and the grapes v/hich sub- 
sequently grew there, were luxurious and de- 
licious in flavor. From the little lake chan- 
nels ^veYe cut leading over the plains below, 
and by this means a constant suj)ply of water 
could be conveyed to the fields of grain which 
were to be sown there, for purposes of irriga- 
tion. Thus the place which Ascanius chose 
furnished all possible facilities both for main- 
taining, and also for defending the people who 
were to make it their abode. The town was 
(•ailed Alba Longa, that is long Alba. It was 
called long to distinguish it from another Alba. 
It was really long in its form, as the buildings 
extended for a considerable distance along the 
border of the lake. 



170 EoMULus. fB.C. 1155. 

Successor to Ascanius. Perplexing question. 

Ascaniiis reigned over thirty years at Alba 
Longa, while Lavinia reigned at Lavinium. 
each friendly to the other and governing the 
country at large, together, in peace and har- 
niony. In process of time both died. Asca 
nius left a son whose name was lulus, whilo 
.^neas Sylvius was Lavinia's heir. 

There was, of course, great diversity of 
opinion throughout the nation in regard to 
the comparative claims of these two princes, 
respectively. Some maintained that .^neas 
the Trojan became, by conquest, the rightful 
sovereign of Latium, irrespective of any rights 
that he acquired through his marriage with 
Lavinia, and that lulus, as the son of his eld- 
est son, rightfully succeeded him. Others 
contended that Lavinia represented the an 
cient and the truly legitimate royal line, and 
that ^neas Silvius, as her son and heir, ought 
to be placed upon the throne. And there 
were those who proposed to compromise the 
-juestion, by dividing Latium into two separ- 
ate kingdoms, giving up one part to lulus, 
with Alba Longa for its capital, and the other, 
with Lavinium for its capital, to ^neas Silvius, 
Lavinia's heir. This proposition was, hov/- 
evor, overruled. The two kingdoms, thus 



B.C. 1155.] Ehea Silvia. 171 

Settlement of the question. Tiberinus. 



formed would be small and feeble, it was 
tlioiiglit, and unable to defend themselves 
against the other Italian nations in case of 
war. The question was finally settled by a 
different sort of compromise. It was agreed 
that Latium should retain its integrity, and 
that ^neas Silvius, being the son both of 
JEneas and Lavinia, and thus representing 
both branches of the reigning power, should 
1)0 the king, while lulus and his descendants 
forever, should occupy the position, scarcely 
less inferior, of sovereign power in matters of 
religion, ^neas Silvius, therefore, and his 
descendants, became hings^ and as such com- 
manded the armies and directed the aifairs of 
state, while lulus and his family were exalted, 
in connection with them, to the highest pon- 
tifical dignities. 

This state of things, once established, con- 
tinued age after age, and century after cen- 
tury, for about four hundred years. No rec- 
ords, and very few traditions in respect to 
what occurred during this j)eriod remain. 
One circumstance, however, took place which 
caused itself to be remembered. There was 
one king in the line of the Silvii, whose namo 
was Tiberinus. In one of his battles with the 



172 E OMUL us. [B.C. 800. 

The story of AUadius and his thunder. 

armies of the nation adjoining him on the 
northern side, he attempted to swim across 
the river that formed the frontier. He was 
forced down by the current, and ^vas seen no 
more. By the accident, however, he gave 
the name of Tiber to the stream, and thus per- 
petuated his own memory through the subse- 
quent renown of the river in w^hich he was 
drowmed. Before tliis time the river w^as 
called the Albula. 

Another incident is related, which is some- 
what curious, as illustrating the ideas and 
customs of the times. One of this Silvian 
line of sovereigns was named Alladius. This 
Alladius conceived the idea of making the 
people believe that he w^as a god, and in 
order to accomplish this end he resorted to 
the contrivance of imitating, by artificial 
means, the sound of the rumbling of thunder 
and the flashes of lightning at night, from his 
palace on the banks of the lake at Alba 
Longa. He employed, probably, for this 
purpose some means similar to those resorted 
to for the same end in theatrical spectacles at 
the present day. The people, however, w^ere 
not deceived by this imposture, though they 
Boon after fell into an error nearly as absurd 



B.C. 800.] Ehea Silvia. 175 

Death of Alladius. Superslitions. 



as believing in this false thunder would have 
been ; for, on an occasion which occurred not 
long afterward, probably that of a great storm 
accompanied witli torrents of rain upon the 
mountains around, the lake rose so high as to 
produce an inundation, in which the water 
broke into the palace, and the pretended 
thunderer was drowned. The people consid 
ered that he was destroyed thus by the special 
interposition of heaven, to punish him for his 
impiety in daring to assume what was then 
considered the peculiar attribute and preroga 
tive of supreme divinity. In fact, the rumor 
circulated, and one historian has recorded it 
as true, that Alladius was struck by the light- 
ning which accompanied the storm, and thus 
killed at once by the terrible agency which 
he had presumed to counterfeit, before the 
inundation of the palace came on. If he met 
his death in any sudden and unusual manner, 
it is not at all surprising that his fate should 
have been attributed to the judgment of God, 
for thunder was regarded in those days with 
an extreme and superstitious veneration and 
awe. All this is, however, now changed. 
Men have learned to understand thimder, and 
to protect themselves from its power ; and 



174 EoMULus. [B.C. 80^^. 

Numitor and Amulius. Their respective characters, 

now, since Franklin and Morse liave com- 
menced the work of subduing the potent and 
mysterious agent in which it originates, to the 
Imman will, the presumption is not very 
strong against the supposition that the time 
may come when human science may actually 
produce it in the sky — as it is now produced, 
in effect, upon the lecturer's table. 

At last, toward the close of the four hun- 
dred years during which the dynasty of the 
Sylvii continued to reign over Latium, a cer- 
tain monarch of the series died, leaving two 
children, iN^umitor and Amulius. Numitor 
was the eldest son, and as such entitled to 
succeed his father. Eut he was of a quiet 
and somewhat inefficient disposition, while 
his younger brother was ardent and ambi- 
tious, and very likely to aspire to the posses- 
sion of power. The father, it seems, antici- 
pated the possibility of dissension between 
his sons after his death, and in order to do 
all in his power to guard against it, he en- 
deavored to arrange and settle the succession 
before he died. In the course of the negotia- 
tions which ensued, Amulius proposed that 
his father's possessions should be divided into 
two portions, the kingdom to constitute one, 



B.C. 800] Ehea Silvia. 175 

Division of their father's possessiona. 

and the wealth and treasures the other, and 
that l^umitor should choose which portion 
he would have. This proposal seemed to 
have the appearance, at least, of reasonable- 
ness and impartiality ; and it would have 
been really very reasonable, if the right to 
the inheritance thus disposed of, had belonged 
equally to the younger and to the elder son. 
But it did not. And thus the offer of Amu- 
lius was, in effect, a proposition to divide with 
himself that which really belonged wholly to 
his brother. 

l^umitor, however, who, it seems, was little 
disposed to contend for his rights, agreed to 
this proposal. He, however, chose the king- 
dom^ and left the wealth for his brother ; and 
the inheritance was accordingly thus divided 
on the death of the father. But Amulius, as 
soon as he came into possession of his treas- 
ures, began to employ them as a means of 
making j)Owerful friends, and strengthening 
his political influence. In due time he usurped 
the throne, and I^umitor, giving uf the con- 
test with very little attempt to resist tlie usur- 
pation, fled and concealed himself in some 
obscure place of retreat. He had, however, 
two children, a son and a daughter, which he 



176 RoMTjLus. [B.C. 800. 

Policy of Numitor. Death of Egestus. 

left behmd him in liis flight. Amulius feared 
that these children might, at some future 
time, give him trouble, by advancing claims 
as their father's heirs. He did not dare to 
kill them openly, for fear of exciting the 
popular odium against himself. He was 
obliged, therefore, to resort to stratagem. 

The son, whose name was Egestus, he 
caused to be slain at a hunting party, by 
employing remorseless and desperate men to 
shoot him, in the heat of the chase, with ar- 
rows, or thrust him through with a spear, 
watching their opportunity for doing this at 
a moment when they were not observed, or 
when it might appear to be an accident. The 
daughter, whose name was Hhea — the Khea 
Silvia named at the commencement of this 
chapter — ^he could not well actually destroy, 
without being known to be her murderer ; and 
perhaps too, he had enough remaining hu- 
manity to be unwilling to shed the blood of a 
helpless and beautiful maiden, the daughter, 
too, of his own brother. Then, besides, hu 
had a daughter of his own named Antho, who 
was the playmate and companion of Rhea, 
and with whose affection for her cousin ho 
must have felt some sympathy. He woitld 



B.C. 800.] Ehea SiL7iA. 177 

Rhea enters upon her duties as a vesttil virgin. 

not, therefore, destroy the child, but contented 
himself with determininfj; to make her a vestal 
virgin. By this means she would be solemnly 
set apart to a religious service, which would 
iiica]3acitate her from aspiring to the throne ; 
and by being cut off, by her vestal vows, from 
all possibility of forming any domestic ties, 
she could never, he thought, have any off- 
spring to dispute his claim to the throne. 

There was nothing very extraordinary^ in 
this consecration of his niece, princess as she 
was, to the service of the vestal fire ; for it 
had been customary for children of the high- 
est rank to be designated to this office. The 
little Khea, for she w^as yet a child when her 
uncle took this determination in respect to 
her, made, as would appear, no objection to 
what she perhaps considered a distinguished 
honor. The ceremonies, therefore, of her 
consecration were duly performed ; she took 
the vows, and bound herself by the most aw- 
ful sanctions — unconscious, however, perhaps, 
herself of what she was doing — to lead thence- 
foith a life of absolute celibacy and seclusion. 

She was the-i received into the temple of 
Vesta, and there, with the other maidens who 
had been consecrated before li or, she devoted 

M 



178 EoMULus. [B.C. 800 

Unexpected events announced. 



herself to the discharge of the duties of her 
office, without reproach, for several years. 
At length, however, certain circumstance& 
occurred, which suddenly terminated Rhea's 
career as a vestal virgin, and led to results 
of the most momentous character. What 
these circumstances were, will be explained 
in the next chapter. 



B.C. 774.] The Twins. 179 

The tomple of Mars at Alba. Its situation. 



Chapter YIII. 
The Twins. 

A LTHOUGH the temple of Yesta itself, at 
-^^^ Alba Longa, was the principal scene of 
the duties which devolved upon the vestal vir- 
gins, still they w^ere not wholly confined in their 
avocations to that sacred edifice, but w^ere 
often called upon, one or two at a time, to 
perform services, or to assist in the celebra- 
tion of rites, at other places in the city and 
vicinity. 

There was a temple consecrated to Mars 
near to Alba. It was situated in an opening 
in the w^oods, in some little glen or valley at 
the base of the mountain. There was a stream 
of water runniug tlirough the ground, and 
Rhea in the performance of her duties as a 
v^estal was required at one time to pass to and 
fj'o through the groves in this solitary place to 
fetch w^ater. Here she allowed herself, in 
violation of her vestal vows, to form the ac- 
quaintance of a man, whom she met in the 
groves. She knew well that by doing so s^.^q 



180 



Rhea's fault. 



Romulus. 



Her excuse. 



[B.C. 774. 



The wolf story. 




'=.^. <s ^^. .ffA 



Rhea Silvia. 



made herself subject to the most dreadful 
penalties in case her fault should hecome 
known. Still she yielded to the temptation, 
and allowed herself to be persuaded to re- 
main with the stranger. She said afterward, 
when the facts were brought to light, that her 
meeting with this companion was v/holly un- 
intentional on her part. She saw a wolf in 
the grove, she said, and she ran terrified into 
a cave to escape from him, and that the man 



B.C. 774.] The Twins. 181 

Ehea ia trouble. Antho. Birth of her sons. 

came to her there, to protect her, and then 
compelled her to remain with him. Besides, 
from his dress, and countenance, and air, she 
bad believed him, she said, to be the God 
Mars himself, and thought that it was not hoi 
duty to resist his will. 

However this may be, her stolen interview 
or interviews with this stranger were not 
known at the time, and Rhea perhaps thought 
that her fault would never be discovered. 
Some weeks after this, however, it was ob- 
served by her companions and friends that 
she began to appear thoughtful and de- 
pressed. Her dejection increased day by 
day ; her face became wan and pale, and her 
eyes were often filled with tears. They asked 
her what was the cause of her trouble. She 
said that she was sick. She was soon afterward 
excused from her duties in the Yestal temple, 
and went away, and remained for some time 
shut up in retirement and seclusion. There at 
length two children, twins, were born to her. 

It was only through the influence of Antho, 
Rhea's cousin, that the unhappy vestal was 
not put to death by Amulius, before her chil- 
dren were born, at the time when her fault 
was first discovered. The laws of the State 



182 E OMUL us. [B.C. 774. 

The anger of Amulius. Rhea imprisoned. 

ill respect to vestal virgms, which were inex- 
orably severe, would have justified him iu 
causing her to be executed at once, but Antho 
interceded so earnestly for her unhappy cou- 
sin, that Amulius for a time spared her life. 
When, however, her sons were born, the anger 
of Amulius broke out anew. If she had re- 
mained childless he would probably have al- 
lowed her to live, though she could of course 
never have been restored to her office in the 
temple of Yesta. Or if she had given birth 
to a daughter she might have been pardoned, 
since a daughter, on account of her sex, would 
have been little likely to disturb Amulius in 
the possession of the kingdom. But the ex- 
istence of two sons, born directly in the line 
of the succession, and each of them having 
claims superior to his own, endangered, most 
imminently, he perceived, his possession of 
power. He was of course greatly enraged. 

He caused E,hea to be shut up in close im- 
prisonment, and as for the boys, he ordered 
them to be thrown into the Tiber. The Tiber 
was at some considerable distance from Alba ; 
but it was probably near the place where 
Rhea Lad resided in her retirement, and 
where the children were born. 



B.C.Y74,] The Twins. 183 

Faustulus. His plan The box that be made. 

A peasant of that region was intrusted with 
the task of throwing the children into the 
river. Whether his official duty in undertak 
ing this commission required him actually to 
drown the boys, or w^hether he was allowed 
to give the helpless babes some little chance 
for their lives, is not known. At all events 
he determined that in committing the children 
to the stream he would so arrange it that they 
should float away from his sight, in order that 
he might not himself be a witness of their 
dying struggles and cries. He accordingly 
put them upon a species of float that he made, 
— a sort of box or trough, as would seem from 
the ancient descriptions, which he had hol- 
lowed out from a log, — and disposing their 
little limbs carefully within this narrow re- 
ceptacle, he pushed the frail boat, with its 
navigators still more frail, out upon the cur- 
rent of the river. 

The name of the peasant who performed 
this task was Faustulus. The peasant also 
who subsequently, — as will hereafter appear, 
— found and took charge of the children, is 
spoken of by the ancient historians as Fans* 
tulus, too. In fact we might well suppose 
that no man, however rustic and rude, could 



184 



Romulus. 



[B.C. 774. 



He follows tlie stream. 







Faustulus and the Twins. 



give his time and liis thoughts to two such 
hahes long enough to make an ark for them, 
for the purpose of making it possible to 
save their lives, and then place them care- 
fully in it to send them away, without becom- 
ing so far interested in their fate, and so 
touched by their mute and confiding helpless- 
ness, as to feel prompted to follow the stream 
to see how so perilous a navigation would end. 
"We have, however, no direct evidence that 



B.C. 774.] The Twins. 185 

Tlio children tbrown out upou tlio stiiul. Tho wolf. 

Faustulus did so watcli the progress of Ins 
boat down the river. The story is that it 
was drifted along, now whirling in eddies, 
and now shooting down over rapid currents, 
until at last, at a bend in the river, it was 
thrown upon the beach, and being turned over 
by the concussion, the children were rolled out 
up3n the sand. 

The neighboring thickets soon of course re- 
sounded with their plaintive cries. A mother 
wolf who was sleeping there came out to see 
what was the matter. Now a mother, of 
whatever race, is irresistibly drawn by an in- 
stinct^ii incaj)able of a sentiment^ of affection, 
to love and to cherish any thing that is newly 
born. The wolf caressed the helpless babes, 
imagining perha23S that they were her own 
offspring ; and lying down by their side she 
cherished and fed them, watching all the time 
with a fierce and vigilant eye for any ap- 
proaching enemy or danger. The rude nur- 
sery might very naturally be supposed to be 
in dangerous proximity to the water, but it 
happened that the river, when the babes were 
set adrift in it, was very high, from the effect 
of rains upon the mountains, and thus soon 
after the children w^ere thrown upon the land, 



186 KoMULUs. [B.C. 774. 

The woodpecker. The children rescued by Faustulus. 

the water began to subside. In a short time 
it wholy returned to its accustomed channel, 
leaving the children on the warm sand, high 
above all danger. The wolf was not their 
only guardian. A woodpecker, the tradition 
Bays, watched over them too, and brought 
them berries and other sylvan food. The 
reader will perhaps be disposed to hesitate a 
little in receiving this last statement for sober 
history, but as no part of the whole narrative 
will bear any very rigid scrutiny, we may as 
well take the story of the woodpecker along 
with the rest. 

In a short time the children were rescued 
from their exposed situation by a shepherd, who 
is called Faustulus, and may or may not have 
been the same with the Faustulus by whom 
they had been exposed. Faustulus carried 
the children to his hut ; and there the mater- 
nal attentions of the wolf and the woodpeckei 
w^ere replaced by those of the shepherd's wife. 
Her name was Larentia. Faustulus was one 
of Amulius's herdsmen, having the care of 
the flocks and herds that grazed on this part 
of the royal domain, but living, like any other 
shepherd, in great seclusion, in his hut in the 
forests. He not only rescued the children, 



B.C. 774.] The Twn^s. 187 

He carries the children home. Their education. 

but lie broiiglit home and preserved the trough 
in which they had been floated down the river. 
Jle put this relic aside, thinking that the daj 
might perhaps come in which there would bo 
occasion to produce it. He told the story of 
the children only to a very few trustworthy 
friends, and he accompanied the communica- 
tion, in the cases where he made it, with 
many injunctions of secrecy. He named the 
foundlings Romulus and Remus, and as they 
grew up they passed generally for the shep- 
herd's sons. 

Faustulus felt a great degree of interest, 
and a high sense of responsibility too, in hav- 
ing these young princes under his care. He 
took great pains to protect them from all pos- 
sible harm, and to instruct them in every thing 
which it was in those days considered impor- 
tant for young men to know. It is even said 
that he sent them to a town in Latium where 
there was some sort of seminary of learning, 
that their minds might receive a proper intel- 
lectual culture. As they grew up they were 
both handsome in form and in countenance, 
and were characterized by a graceful dignity 
of air and demeanor, which made them very 
attractive in the eyes of all who beheld them. 



188 KoMULus. [B.C. 774. 

The character of the boys. 

They were prominent among tlie young herds- 
men and hunters of the forest, for their cour- 
age, their activity, their strength, their various 
personal accomplishments, and their high and 
generous qualities of mind. Komulus was 
more silent and thoughtful than his brother, 
and seemed to possess in some respects supe- 
rior mental powers. Both were regarded by 
all who knew them with feelings of the high- 
est respect and consideration. 

Romulus and Remus treated their own com- 
panions and equals, that is the young shep- 
herds and herdsmen of the mountains, with 
great courtesy and kindness, and were very 
kindly regarded by them in return. They, 
however, evinced a great degree of independ- 
ence of spirit in respect to the various bailiffs 
and chief herdsmen, and other officers of field 
and forest police, who exercised authority in 
tlie region where they lived. These men were 
sometimes haughty and domineering, and the 
peasantry in general stood greatly in awe of 
them. Romulus and Remus, however, always 
faced them without fear, never seeming to be 
alarmed at their threats, or at any other ex- 
hibitions of their anger. In fact, the boys 
Reemed to be imbued with a native loftiness 



B.C. 760.] The Twins. 189 

Romulus and Remus are generoufi and brave. 

and fearlessness of character, as if they had 
inherited a spirit of confidence and courago 
with their royal blood, or had imbibed a por 
tion of the indomitable temper of their fierce 
foster mother. 

They were generous, however, as well as 
brave. They took the part of the weak and 
the oppressed against the tyrannical and the 
strong in the rustic contentions that they wit- 
nessed ; they interposed to help the feeble, to 
relieve those who were in want, and to pro- 
tect the defenseless. They hunted wild 
beasts, they fought against robbers, they 
rescued and saved the lost. For amusements, 
they practiced running, wrestling, racing, 
throwing javelins and spears, and other ath- 
letic feats and accomplishments — in every 
thing excelling all their competitors, and be- 
coming in the end greatly renowned. 

JSTumitor, the father of Ehea Silvia, whom 
Amulius had dethroned and banished from 
Alba, was all this time still living; and ho 
had now at length become so far reconciled 
to Amulius as to be allowed to reside in Alb?* 
—though he lived there as a private citizen. 
lie owned, it seems, some estates near the 
Tiber, where he had flocks and herds that 



190 KoMULus. [B.C. 760, 

Quarrel among the herdsmen. 

were tended by his shepherds and herdsmen. 
It happened at one time that some contention 
arose between the herdsmen of ISTumitor and 
those of Amulius, among whom Romulus and 
Kemus were residing. !N"ow as the young 
men had thus far, of course, no idea whatever 
of their relationship to I^umitor, there was no 
reason why they should feel any special in- 
terest in his affairs, and they accordingly, as 
might naturally have been expected, took part 
with Amulius in this quarrel, since Faustulus, 
and all the shepherds around them were on 
that side. The herdsmen of l^umitor in the 
course of the quarrel drove away some of the 
cattle which were claimed as belonging to the 
herdsmen of Amulius. Romulus and Remus 
headed a band which they hastily called to- 
gether, to pursue the depredators and bring 
the cattle back. They succeeded in this ex- 
pedition, and recaptured the herd. This in- 
censed the party of ISTumitor, and they deter- 
mined on revenge. 

They waited some time for a favorable op- 
portunity. At length the time came for cele- 
brating a certain festival called the Super- 
calia, which consisted of very rude games and 
ceremonies, in which men sacrificed goats. 



B.C. 760.] The Twins. 191 



Remus is suddenly made prisoner. 



and then dressed themselves partially in the 
skins, and ran about whipping every one 
i^hom they met, with thongs made likewise 
of the skins of goats, or of rabbits, or other 
aiiimals remarkable for their fecundity. The 
meaning of the ceremonies, so far as such un- 
couth and absurd ceremonies could have any 
meaning, was to honor the God of fertility and 
fruitfulness, and to promote the fruitfulness 
of their flocks and herds, during the year en- 
suing at the time that the celebrations were 
held. 

The retainers and partisans of l^umitor de- 
termined on availing themselves of this op- 
portunity to accomplish their object. Ac- 
cordingly, they armed themselves, and coming 
suddenly upon the spot where the shepherds 
of Amulius were celebrating the games, they 
made a rush for Remus, who was at that time, 
in accordance with the custom, running to 
and fro, half-naked, and armed only with 
goat-skin thongs. They succeeded in making 
him prisoner, and bore him away in triumph 
to l^umitor. 

Of course, this daring act produced great 
excitement throughout the country. Numitor 
was well pleaserl with the prize tnat he had 



193 KoMULTJS. [B.C. 75S. 

Heavy charges against Remus. 

secured, but felt, at the same time, some fear 
of the responsibility which he incurred by 
holding the prisoner. He was strongly in- 
clined to proceed against Remus, and punish 
him himself for the offenses which the herds- 
men of his lands charged against him; but 
he finally concluded that this would not be 
safe, and he determined, in the end, to refer 
the case to Amulius for decision. He accord- 
ingly sent Remus to Amulius, making griev- 
ous charges against him, as a lawless desper- 
ado, who, with his brother, E'umitor said, 
w^ere the terror of the forests, through their 
domineering temper and their acts of robbery 
and rapine. 

The king, pleased, perhaps, with the spirit 
of deference to his regal authority on the 
part of his brother, implied in the referring 
of the case of the accused to him for trial, 
sent Remus back again to ITumitor, saying 
that ISTumitor might punish the freebooter 
liimself in any way that he thought best, 
Remus was accordingly brought again to 
Kumitor's house. In the mean time, the fact 
of his being thus made a prisoner, and charg- 
ed with crime, and the proceedings in rela- 
tion to him, in sending him back and forth 



.B.0.758.J TuE Twins. 193 

Remus before Numitor and Amulius. 

between Amulius and JSTumitor, strongly 
attracted public attention. Every one was 
talking of the prisoner, and discussing the 
question of his probable fate. The general 
interest which was thus awakened in respect 
to him and to his brother Romulus, revived 
the slumbering recollections in the minds of 
the old neighbors of Faustulus, of the stories 
which he had told them of his having found 
the twins on the bank of the river, in their in- 
fancy. They told this story to Romulus, and 
he or some other friends made it known to 
Remus while he was still confined. 

When Remus was brought before ITumitor 
— who was really his grandfather, though the 
fact of this relationship was wholly unknown 
to both of them — l^umitor was exceedingly 
struck with his handsome countenance and 
form, and with his fearless and noble de- 
meanor. The young prisoner seemed perfect- 
ly self-possessed and at his ease ; and thougli 
he knew well that his life was at stake, there 
was a certain air of calmness and composure 
in his manner which seemed to denote very 
lofty qualities, both of person and mind. 

A vague recollection of the lost children of 
his daughter Rhea immediately flashed across 



194: EoMULus. [B.C.Y58. 

Remus gives an account of himself. 

Nuinitor's mind. It changed all his anger 
against Remus to a feeling of wondering in- 
terest and curiosity, and gave to his counte- 
nance, as he looked upon his prisoner, an ex- 
pression of kind and tender regard. After a 
short pause ISTumitor addressed the young 
captive^ — speaking in a gentle and conciliat^ 
ing manner — and asked him who he was, and 
who his parents were. 

" I will frankly tell you all that I know,'^ 
said Remus, " since you treat me in so fair 
and honorable a manner. The king delivered 
me up to be punished, without listening to 
what I had to say, but you seem willing to 
hear before you condemn. My name is 
Remus, and I have a twin-brother named 
Romulus. "We have always supj)osed our- 
selves to be the children of Faustulus ; but 
now, since this difficulty has occurred, wg 
have heard new tidings in respect to oui 
(M-igin. We are told that we were found in. 
our infancy, on the shore of the river, at the 
place where Facistidus lives, and that nearby 
there was a box or trough, in which we had 
been floated down to the spot from a place 
above. When Faustulus found us, there was 
a wolf and a woodpecker taking care of m. 



B.C. 756.] The Twins. 195 

Numitor learns the truth. Romulus. 

and bringing iis food. Faustulus carried us 
to liis house, and brought us up as bis chil- 
dren. He preserved the trough, too, and has 
it now." 

ISTumitor was, of course, greatly excited at 
hearing this intelligence. He perceived at 
once that the finding of these children, both 
in respect to time and place, and to all the 
attendant circumstances, corresponded so pre- 
cisely with the exposure of the children of 
Hhea Silvia as to leave no reasonable ground 
for doubt that Romulus and Remus were his 
grandsons. He resolved immediately to com- 
municate this joyful discovery to his daughter, 
if he could contrive the means of gaining ac 
cess to her ; for during all this time she had 
been kept in close confinement in her prison. 

In the mean time, Romulus himself, at the 
house of Faustulus, in the forests, had become 
greatly excited by the circumstances in which 
he found himself placed. He had been first 
very much incensed at the captm-e of Remus, 
and while concerting with Faustulus plans for 
rescuing him, Faustulus had explained to him 
the mystery of his birth. He had informed 
him not only how he was found with Ids 
brother, on the bank of the river, but also had 



19G KoMULUS. [13.0.756. 

Romulus plans a rebellion. Fau.;tulus and the arts. 

made known to him whose sons he and Re- 
mus were. Romnlns was, of course, extremely 
elated at this intelligence. His native cour- 
age and energy were quickened anew by his 
learning that he and his brother were princes, 
and as he believed, rightfully entitled to the 
throne. He immediately began to form plans 
for raising a rebellion against the government 
of Amulius, with a view of first rescuing Ke- 
mus from his power, and afterward taking 
such ulterior steps as circumstances might re- 
quire. 

Faustulus, on the other hand, leaving Kom- 
ulus to raise the forces for his insurrection as 
he pleased, determined to go himself to ITu- 
mitor and reveal the secret of the birth of 
Komulus and Remus to him. In order to con- 
firm and corroborate his story, he took the 
trough with him, carrying it under his cloak, 
in order to conceal it from view, and in this 
manner made his appearance at the gates of 
Alba. 

There was something in his appearance 
and manner when he arrived at the gate, 
which attracted the attention of the ofiicers 
on guard there. He wore the dress of a 
countryman, and had obviously come in from 



B.C.Y56J The Tavins. 197 

Fauetulus stopped at the gates of the city. 

the forests, a long way ; and there was some- 
thing in his air which denoted hurry and agi- 
tation. The soldiers asked him what he had 
under his cloak, and compelled him to pro- 
duce the ark to view. The curiosity of the 
guardsmen was still more strongly aroused at 
seeing this old relic. It was bound with brass 
bands, and it had some rude inscription 
marked upon it. It haj^pened that one of 
the guard was an old soldier who had been in 
some way connected with the exposure of the 
children of Rhea when they were set adrift in 
the river, and he immediately recognized this 
trough as the float which they had been 
placed in. He immediately concluded that 
some very extraordinary movement was going 
on, — and he determined to proceed forthwith 
and inform Amulius of what he had discov- 
ered. He accordingly went to the king and 
informed him that a man had been intercepted 
at the gate of the city, who was attempting to 
bring in, concealed under his cloak, the iden- 
tical ark or float, which to his certain knowl- 
edge had been used in the case of the children 
of Rhea Silvia, for sending them adrift on the 
waters of the Tiber. 
The king was greatly excited and agitated 



198 Romulus. [B.C. 755, 

Faustiiius is greatly embarrassed. 

at receiving this intelligence. He ordered 
Faustnlns to be brought into his presence. 
Faustnlus was much terrified at receiving 
this summons. He had but little time to re- 
flect what to say, and during the few minutes 
that elapsed while they were conducting him 
into the presence of the Mng, he found it hard 
to determine how much it would be best for 
him to admit, and how much to deny. Fi 
nally, in answer to the interrogations of the 
king, he acknowledged that he found the 
children and the ark in which they had been 
drifted upon the shore, and that he had saved 
the boys alive, and had brought them up as 
his children. He said, however, that he did 
not know where they were. They had gone 
away, he alledged, some years before, and 
were now living as shepherds in some distant 
part of the country, he did not know exactly 
where. 

Amulius then asked Faustulus what he had 
been intending to do with the trough, which 
he was bringing so secretly into the city. 
B'austulus said that he was going to carry it 
to Rhea in her prison, she having often ex- 
pressed a strong desire to see it, as a token 
or memorial which would recaU the dear 



B.C. 755.] TnE Twins. 199 

Amulius is alarmed. He sends for Numilor. 

babes that had lain in it very vividly to lief 
mind. 

Amulius seemed satisfied that these state- 
n.ents were honest and true, but they awa- 
kened in his mind a very great solicitude and 
anxiety. He feared that the children, being 
still alive, might some day come to the knowl- 
edge of their origin, and so disturb his pos- 
session of the throne, and perhaps revenge, 
by some dreadful retaliation, the wrongs and 
injuries which he had inflicted upon their 
mother and their grandfather. The peoj^le, 
he feared, would be very much inclined to 
take part with them, and not with him, in any 
contest which might arise ; for their sympa- 
thies were already on the side of N^umitor. 
In a word, he was greatly alarmed, and he 
was much at a loss to know what to do, to 
avert the danger which was impending over 
him. 

He concluded to send to Numitor and in- 
quire of him whether he was aware that the 
boys were still alive, and if so, if he knew 
where they w^ere to be found. He accord- 
ingly sent a messenger to his brother, com- 
missioned to mAke these inquiries. This 
messenger, though in the service of Amulius, 



200 EoMULus. [B.C. T55 

Romulus assaults the city. 

was really a friend to l^iimitor, and on being 
admitted to I^umitor's presence, when ho 
went to make the inqniries as directed by the 
king, he found E-emus there, — ^though not, as 
he had expected, in the attitude of a prisoner 
awaiting sentence from a judge, but rather in 
that of a son in affectionate consultation with 
his father. He soon learned the truth, and 
immediately expressed his determination to 
espouse the cause of the ]3rince. " The whole 
city will be on your side," said he to Remus. 
"You have only to place yourself at the head 
of the population, and proclaim your rights ; 
and you will easily be restored to the posses- 
sion of them." 

Just at this crisis a tumult was heard at the 
gates of the city. Romulus had arrived there 
at the head of the band of peasants andherds^ 
men that he had collected in the forests. 
These insurgents were rudely armed and were 
organized in a very simple and primitive 
manner. For weapons the peasants bore such 
implements of agriculture as could be used for 
Tveapons, while the huntsmen brought their 
pikes, and speaa's, and javelins, and such other 
projectiles as were employed in those days 
iu hunting wild beasts. The troop was divided 



B.C. 755.] The Twins. 201 

The revolt is successful. Amulius is slain. 

into companies of one hundred, and for ban- 
ners they bore tufts of grass on wispa of straw, 
or fern, or other herbage, tied at the top of a 
pole. The armament was rude, but the men 
were resolute and determined, and they made 
their appearance at the gates of the city upon 
the outside, just in time to co-operate with 
Ilemus in the rebellion which he had raised 
within. 

The revolt was successful. A revolt is 
generally successful against a despot, when 
the great mass of the population desire his 
downfall. Amulius made a desperate attempt 
to stem the torrent, but his hour had come. 
His palace was stormed, and he was slain. 
The revolution was complete, and Roraulua 
and Remus were masters of the country. 



202 EoMULUs. [B.C. 754. 

The people of Alba Longa called together. 



ClIAPTEK IX. 

The FouNDiNa of Rome. 

S soon as the excitement and the agita- 
tions which attended the sudden revolu- 
tion hy which Amulius was dethroned were in 
some measure calmed, and tranquillity was 
restored, the question of the mode in which 
the new government should be settled, arose. 
Numitor considered it best that he should call 
an assembly of the people and lay the subject 
before them. There was a very large portion 
of the populace who yet knew nothing certain 
in respect to the causes of the extraordinary 
events that had occurred. The city was filled 
with strange rumors, in all of which truth and 
falsehood were inextricably mingled, so that 
they increased rather than allayed the general 
curiosity and wonder. 

J^umitor accordingly convened a general 
assembly of the inhabitants of Alba, in a 
public square. The rude and rustic moun- 
taineers and peasants whom Komulus had 
brought to the city came with the rest. Itom- 



B.C. 754.] Founding OF EoME. 203 

The address of Numitor to the citizens. 

ulus and llenms themselves did not at first 
appear. K^umitor, wlien the audience was 
assembled, came forward to address them. 
He gave them a recital of all the events con- 
nected with the usurpation of Amulius. lie 
told them of the original division which had 
been made thirty or forty years before, of the 
kingdom and the estates of his father, between 
Amulius and himself, — of the plans and in- 
trigues by which Amulius had contrived to 
possess liimself of the kingdom and reduce 
him, ]N"umitor, into subjection to his sway, — of 
his causing Egestus, I^umitor's son, to be slain 
in the hunting party, and then compelling his 
little daughter Rhea to become a vestal virgin 
in order that she might never be married. 
He then went on to describe the birth of 
Homulus and Remus, the anger of Amulius 
when informed of the event, his cruel treat- 
ment of the children and of the mother, and 
his orders that the babes should be drowned 
in the Tiber. He gave an account of the 
manner in which the infants had been put into 
the little wooden ark, of their floating down 
the stream, and finally landing on the bank, 
and of their being rescued, protected and fed, 
by the wolf and the woodpecker. He closed 



204 EoMULus. [B.C. 75^. 

Romulus and Remus come forward. 

bis speech by saying that the young princes 
were still alive, and that they were then at 
hand ready to present themselves before the 
assembly. 

As he said these words, Homulus and He- 
mus came forward, and the vast assembly, 
after gazing for a moment in silent wonder 
upon their tall and graceful forms, in which 
they saw combined athletic strength and vigor 
with manly beauty, they burst into long and 
loud acclamations. As soon as the applause 
had in some measure subsided, Komulus and 
Kemus turned to their grandfather and hailed 
him king. The people res]3onded to this an- 
nouncement with new plaudits, and JS^umitor 
was universally recognized as the rightful 
sovereign. 

It seems that notwithstanding the personal 
graces and accomplishments of Romulus and 
Remus, and their popularity among their fel- 
low foresters, that they and their followers 
made a somewhat rude and wild appearance 
in the city, and ITumitor was very willing, 
wdien the state of things had become some- 
what settled, that his rustic auxiliaries should 
find some occasion for w^ithdrawing from the 
capital and returning again to their own na^ 



B.C. 75i.] Founding OF Rome. 205 

Plan for building a new city. 

Give fastnesses. Romulus and Remus, how- 
ever. Laving now learned that they were enti- 
tled to the regal name, naturally felt desirous 
of possessing a little regal power, and thus 
desired to remain in the city ; while still they 
had too much consideration for their grand- 
father to wish to deprive him of the govern- 
ment. After some deliberation a plan was 
devised which promised to gratify the wishes 
of all. 

The plan was this, namely, that I^umitor 
should set apart a place in his kingdom of 
Latium where Romulus and Remus mia^ht 
build a city for themselves, — taking with them 
to the spot the whole horde of their retainers. 
The place w^hich he designated for this pur- 
pose was the spot on the banks of the Tiber 
where the two children had been landed when 
floating down the stream. It was a wild and 
romantic region, and the enterprise of build- 
ing a city upon it was one exactly suited to 
engage the attention and occupy the powers 
of such restless spirits as those who had col- 
lected under the young princes' standard. 
Many of these men, it is true, were shepherds 
and herdsmen, well disposed in mind, though 
rude and rough in manners. Rut then thero 



206 KoMULus. [B.C. 754. 

Numitor is to roiidor the necoasary aid. 

were many others of a veiy turbulent and mi- 
ni anageable character, outlaws, fugitives, and 
adventurers of every description, who had 
fled to the woods to escape punishment for 
former crimes, or seek opportunities for the 
commission of new deeds of rapine and rob- 
bery ; and who had seized upon the occasion 
furnished by the insurrection against Amulius 
to come forth into the world again. Crimi- 
nals always flock into armies when armies are 
raised ; for war presents to the wicked and 
depraved all the charms, with but half the 
danger, of a life of crime. "War is in fact or- 
dinarily only a legal organization of crime. 

Komulus and Remus entered into their 
grandfather's plan with great readiness. ]S^u- 
mitor promised to aid them in their enter- 
prise by every means in his power. He was 
to furnish tools and implements, for excava- 
tions and building, and artisans so far as 
artisans were required, and was also to pro- 
vide such temporary supplies of 2:)ro visions 
and stores as might be required at the outset 
of the undertaking. He gave permission also 
to any of his subjects to join Romulus and Re- 
mus in their undertaking, and they, in order to 
increase their numbers as much as possible, sent 



B.C. 754.] Founding OF lioME. 207 

Gieat numbers flock together to build tho city. 

messengers around to the neighboring coiintry 
inviting all who were disposed, to come and 
take part in the building of the new city. 
This invitation was accepted by great num- 
bers of people, from every rank and station 
in life. 

Of course, however, the greater portion of 
those who came to join the enterprise, were 
c f a very low grade in respect to moral char- 
acter. Men of industry, integrity, and moral 
worth, who possessed kind hearts and warm 
domestic affections, were generally well and 
prosperously settled each in his own hamlet 
or town, and were little inclined to break 
away from the ties which bound them to 
friends and society, in order to plunge in such 
a scene of turmoil and confusion as the build- 
ing of a new city, under such circumstances, 
must necessarily be. It was of course gener- 
ally the discontented, the idle, and the bad, 
that would hope for benefit from such a change 
as tliis enter]3rise proposed to them. Every 
restless and desperate spirit, every depraved 
victim of vice, every fugitive and outlaw 
would be ready to embark in such a scheme, 
which was to create certainly a new phase in 
^Ueir relations to societf, and thus afford them 



208 EoMULTJS. [B.C. 754. 

The seven hills. The Palatine hUl. 



an opportunity to make a fresh beginning. 
The enterprise at the same time seemed to 
offer them, through a new organization and 
new laws, some prospect of release from re- 
sponsibility for former crimes. In a word, in 
preparing to lay the foundations of their city, 
Komulus and Remus found themselves at the 
head of a very wild and lawless company. 

There were seven distinct hills on the ground 
which was subsequently included within the 
limits of Rome. Between and among these 
hills the river meandered by sweeping and 
graceful curves, and at one point, near the 
center of what is now the city, the stream 
passed very near the foot of one of the eleva 
tions called the Palatine Hill. Here was the 
spot where the wooden ark in which Romulus 
and Remus had been set adrift, had been 
thrown up upon the shore. The sides of the 
hill were steep, and between it and the river 
there was in one part a deep morass. Romu- 
lus thought, on surveying the ground with 
Remus his brother, that this was the best spot 
for building the city. They could set apart a 
sufficient space of level ground around the 
foot of the hill for the houses — ^inclosing the 
whole with a wall — while the top of the hiil 



B.C. 754.] Founding of Rome. 



209 



Difference of opinion between Romulus and Remus. 




Situation or Rome. 



itself might he fortified to form the citadel. 
The wall and the steep acclivity of the gi'ound 
would form a protection on three sides of the 
inclosure, while the morass alone Avould be a 
sufficient defense on the part toward the 
river. Then Eomulus was specially desirous 
to select this spot as the site, as it was here 
that he and his brother had been saved from 
destruction in so wonderful a manner. 

Remus, however, did not concur in these 





210 EoMULTjs. [B.C. 754. 

Advantages of the Aventine hill. 

views. A little farther down the stream there 
was another elevation called the Aventine 
Hill, which seemed to him more siutable foi 
the site of a town. The sides were less pre- 
cipitous, and thus were more convenient for 
building ground. Then the land in the im- 
mediate vicinity was better adapted to the 
purposes which they had in view. In a word, 
the Aventine Hill was, as Kemus thought, 
for every substantial reason, much the best 
locality ; and as for the fact of their having 
been washed ashore at the foot of the other 
hill, it was in his opinion an insignificant cir- 
cumstance, wholly unworthy of being taken 
seriously into the account in laying the foun- 
dation of a city. 

The positions in which Remus and Romu- 
lus stood in respect to each other, and the 
feelings which were naturally awakened in 
their hearts by the circumstances in which 
they found themselves placed, were such as 
did not tend to allay any rising asperity 
which accident might occasion, but rather to 
irritate and inflame it. In the first place, 
they were both ardent, impulsive, and impe- 
rious. Each was conscious of his strength, 
and eager to exercise it. Each wished to 



B.C. Y54.] Founding of Kome. 211 

Perfect equality of the two brotbers. 

command, and was wholly unwilling to obey. 
While they wei'e in adversity, they clung to 
gether for mntual help and protection ; but 
now, when they had come into the enjoyment 
of prosperity and power, the bands of affec- 
tion which had bound them together were 
very much weakened, and were finally sun- 
dered. Then there was nothing whatever to 
mark any superiority of one over the other. 
If they had been of different ages, the younger 
could have yielded to the elder, in some de- 
gree, without wounding his pride. If one 
had been more prominent than the other in 
effecting the revolution by which Amulius 
v;as dethroned, or if there had been a native 
difference of temperament or character to 
mark a distinction, or if either had been des- 
ignated by ITumitor, or selected by popular 
choice, for the command, — all might have 
been well. But there seemed in fact to be 
between them no grounds of distinction what- 
ever. They were twms, so that neither could 
claim any advantage of birthright. They 
were equal in size, strength, activity, and 
courage. They had been equally bold and 
efiicient in effecting the revolution ; and now 
they seemed equally powerful in respect to 



212 EoMULTJS. [B.C. 754 

Both determined not to yield. 

the influence whicli tliej wielded over the 
minds of their followers. AYe have been so 
lone: accustomed to consider Eomulus tho 
more distinguished personage, through the 
associations connected with his name, that 
have arisen from his subsequent career, that 
it is difficult for us to place him and his 
brother on that footing of perfect equality 
which they occupied in the estimation of all 
who knew them in this part of their history. 
This equality had caused no difference be- 
tween them thus far, but now, since the ad- 
vent of power and prosperity prevented their 
continuing longer on a level, there necessarily 
came up for decision the terrible question, — 
terrible when two such spirits as theirs have 
it to decide, — ^which was to yield the palm. 

The brothers, therefore, having each ex- 
pressed his preference in respect to the best 
place for the city, were equally unwilling to 
recede from the ground which they had tak- 
en. Remus thought that there was no reason 
why he should yield to Eomulus, and Eomu- 
lus was equally unwilling to give way to Ee- 
mus. Neither could yield, in fact, without 
in some sense admitting the superiority of 
the other. The rt^spective partisans of the 



B.C. 754.] Founding OF EoME. 213 

Tho brothers appeal to Numitor. His jiroposal. 

two leaders began to take sides, and tlie dis- 
sension threatened to become a serious quar- 
•el. Finally, being not yet quite ready for 
an open rupture, tliey concluded to refer the 
question to Numitor, and to abide by his de- 
cision. They expected that he would come 
and view the ground, and so decide where it 
was best that the city should be built, and 
thus terminate the controversy. 

But l^umitor was too sagacious to hazard 
the responsibility of deciding between two 
Ruch equally matched and powerful oppo- 
nents. He endeavored to soothe and quiet the 
excited feelings of his grandsons, and finally 
recommended to them to appeal to augury to 
decide the question. Augury was a mode of 
ascertaining the divine w^ill in respect to 
questions of expediency or duty, by means 
of certain prognostications and signs. These 
omens were of various kinds, but perhaps the 
most common were the appearances observed 
in watchino; the flio^ht of birds throuo-h the air. 

It was agreed between Kemus and Romu- 
lus, in accordance with the advice of I^umi- 
tor, that the question at issue between them 
should be decided in this way. They were to 
take their stations on the two hills respect- 



214 EoMULus. [B.C. 754. 

The vultures of the Appenines. Tlieir function. 

ivelj — the Palatine and the Aventine, and 
watcli for vultures. The homes of the vul- 
tures of Italj were among the summits of the 
Appenines, and their function in the compli- 
cated economy of animal life, was to watch 
from the lofty peaks of the mountains, or from 
tlie still more aerial and commanding positions 
which they found in soaring at vast elevations 
in the air, for the bodies of the dead, — 
whether of men after a battle, or of sheep, or 
cattle, or wild beasts of the forests, killed by 
accident or dying of age, — and when found to 
remove and devour them ; and thus to hasten 
the return of the lifeless elements to other 
forms of animal and vegetable life. What 
the earth, and the rite of burial, effects for 
man in advanced and cultivated stages of 
society, the vultures of the Appenines were 
commissioned to perform for all the animal 
communities of Italy, in J^umitor's time. 

To enable the vulture to accomplish tlie 
work assigned him, he is endowed with an in- 
conceivable strength of wing, to sustain his 
flight over the vast distances which he has to 
traverse, and up to the vast elevations to 
which he must sometimes soar ; and also with 
Bome mysterious and extraordinary sense, 



B.C. 754.] Founding of Rome. 215 

Powers of the vultura Augurioa. 

whether of sight or smell, to enable him read- 
ily to find, at any hour, the spot where hig 
presence is required, however remote or how- 
ever hidden it may be. Guided by this in- 
Btinet, he flies from time to time with a 
company of his fellows, from mountain to 
mountain, or wheels slowly in vast circles 
over the plains — surveying the whole surface 
of the ground, and assuredly finding his 
work ; — finding it too equally easily, whether 
it lie exposed in the open field, or is hidden, 
no matter how secretly, in forest, thicket, 
grove or glen. 

It was, to certain appearances, indicated in 
the flio'ht of these birds — such as the number 
that were seen at a time, the quarter of the 
heavens in which they appeared, the direction 
in which they flew, as from left to right or 
from right to left — that the people of Numi- 
tor's day were accustomed to look for omens 
and auguries. So Homulus and Remus took 
their stations on the hills which they had 
severally chosen, each surrounded by a com- 
pany of his own adherents and friends, and 
began to watch the skies. It was agreed that 
the decision of the question between the two 
hills should be determined by tlie omena 



216 KoMULus. [B.C. 754 

Romiilus and Remus take their stations. Result 

which should appear to the respective ol> 
servers stationed upon them. 

But it happened, unfortunately, that the 
rules for the interpretation of auguries and 
omens, were far too indefinite and vague to 
answer the purpose for which they were now 
appealed to. The most unequivocal distinct- 
ness and directness in giving its responses is a 
very essential requisite in any tribunal that is 
called upon as an umpire, to settle disputes ; 
while the ancient auguries and oracles were 
always susceptible of a great variety of inter- 
pretations. When Remus and Romulus com- 
menced their watch no vultures were to be 
seen from either hill. They waited till eve- 
ning, still none appeared. They continued to 
watch through the night. In the morning a 
messenger came over from the Palatine hill 
to Remus on the Aventine, informing him 
that vultures had appeared to Romulus. Re- 
mus did not believe it. At last, however, the 
birds really came into view ; a flock of six were 
seen by Remus, and afterward one of tweh o 
by Romulus. The observations were then sus- 
pended, and the parties came together to con- 
fer in respect to the result ; but the dispute 
instead of being settled, was found to be in a 



B.C. 754.] Founding- OF EoME. 217 

New dispute. An open collision. Faustulus killed. 

worse condition than ever. The point now to 
be determined was whether six vultures seen 
first, or twelve seen afterward, were the bet- 
ter omen, that is w^hether numbers, or simple 
priority of ap]3earance, should decide the 
(.question. In contending in respect to this 
nice point the brothers became more angry 
^vith each other than ever. Their respective 
partisans took sides in the contest, which re- 
sulted finally in an open and violent collision. 
Romulus and Remus themselves seem to have 
commenced the affray by attacking one an- 
other. Faustulus, their foster-father, who, 
from having had the care of them from their 
earliest infancy, felt for them an almost -psi- 
rental affection, rushed between them to pre- 
vent them from shedding each other's blood. 
He was struck down and killed on the spot, 
by some unknown hand. A brother of Faus- 
tulus too, named Plistinus, who had lived near 
to him, and had known the boys from their 
infancy, and had often assisted in taking caro 
of them, was killed in the endeavor to aid his 
brother to appease the tumult. 

At length the disturbance was quelled. 
The result of the conflict was, however, to 
dhow that Romulus and his party were the 



218 KoMULus. [B.C. 754. 

Eomulus is victorious. The building of the city goes on. 



strongiest. Eomulus accordino^lv went on to 
build the walls of the city at the spot which 
lie had first chosen. The lines were marked 
out, and the excavations were commenced 
with great ceremony. 

In laying out the work, the first thing to be 
done was to draw the lines of what was called 
the pommrium,. The pomoerium was a sort of 
symbolical wall, and was formed simply by 
turning a furrow with a plow all around the 
city, at a considerable distance from the real 
walls, for the purpose, not of establishing 
lines of defense, but of marking out what were 
to be the limits of the corporation, so to speak, 
for legal and ceremonial purposes. Of course, 
the pomoerium included a much greater space 
than the real walls, and the people were 
allowed to build houses anywhere within this 
outer inclosure, or even without it, though not 
very near to it. Those who built thus were, 
of course, not protected in case of an attack, 
and of course they would, in such case, be 
compelled to abandon their houses, and re- 
treat for safety within the proper walls. 

So Komulus proceeded to mark out the 
pomoerium of the city, employing in the work 
the ceremonies customary oa such occasions 



B.C. 754] Founding of Rome. 2tl> 

Plowing the pomoeriuni. Form of the enclosure. 

The plow used was made of copper, and for a 
team to draw it a bullock and a lieifer were 
yoked together. Men appointed for the pur* 
pose followed the plow, and carefully turned 
over the clods toward the wall of the city. 
This seems to have been considered an 
essential part of the ceremony. At the places 
wliere roads were to pass in toward the gates 
of the city, the plow was lifted out of the 
ground and carried over the requisite space, 
so as to leave the turf at those points un- 
broken. This was a necessary precaution; 
for there was a certain consecrating influence 
that was exerted by this ceremonial plowing 
which hallowed the ground wherever it pass- 
ed in a manner that would very seriously in- 
terfere with its usefulness as a public road. 

The form of the space inclosed by the 
pomcerium, as Romulus plowed it, was nearly 
square, and it included not merely the Pala- 
tine hill itself, but a considerable portion of 
level land around it. 

Though Romulus thus seemed to have con- 
quered, in the strife with Remus, the difficulty 
was not yet fully settled. Remus was very 
little disposed to acquiesce in his brother'o 
assumed superiority over him. ITe was sullen, 



1^20 KoMULiJS. [B.C. 754. 

The death of Remus. Remorse of Romulus. 

morose, and ill at ease, and was inclined to 
take little part in tlie proceedings which were 
going on. Finally an occasion occui'red which 
produced a crisis, and brought the rivalry and 
enmity of the brothers suddenly and forever to 
an end. Remus was one day standing by a part 
of the wall which his brother's workmen were 
building, and expressing, in various ways, and 
with great freedom, his opinions of his broth- 
er's plans ; and finally he began to speak con- 
temptuously of the wall which the workmen 
were building. Komulus all the time was 
standing by. At length, in order to enforce 
what he said about the insufficiency of the 
work, Remus leaped over a portion of it, say- 
ing, " This is the way the enemy will leap 
over your wall." Hereupon Romulus seized 
a mattock from the hands of one of the labor- 
ers, and struck his brother down to the ground 
with it, saying, " And this is the way that we 
will kill them if they do." Remus was killed 
by the blow. 

As soon as the deed was done, Romulus was 
at once overwhelmed with remorse and horror 
at the atrocity of the crime which he had been 
so suddenly led to commit. His anguish was 
BO great for a time that he refused all food, 



B.C. 754.] Founding of Eome. 221 



The institution of tiie Lemuria. 



and lie could not sleep. He caused the dead 
body of Remus, and also those of Faustulua 
and of Plistinus, the brother of Faustulus, to 
be buried with the most solemn and imposing 
funeral ceremonies, so as to render all possi- 
ble honor to their memory ; and then, not 
satisfied with this, he instituted and celebra- 
*-ed certain religious rites, to prevent the 
ghosts of the deceased from coming back to 
haunt him. The ghosts, or specters of the 
dead that came back to haunt and terrify the 
living were called lemures. Hence the cele- 
bration which Homulus ordained was called 
the Lemuria, and it continued to be annually 
observed in Rome during the whole period of 
its subsequent history. 

Precisely what the ceremonies were which 
Romulus performed to appease the spirit of 
his brother can not now be ascertained, as 
there was no particular description of them 
recorded. But the Lemm'ia, as afterward 
performed, were frequently described by Ro- 
man writers, and they were of a very curious 
and extraordinary character. The time for 
the celebration of these rites was in May, the 
liinniversary, as was supposed, of the days in 
which Romulus originally celebrated them 



222 EoMULus. [B.C. 754. 

Description of the ceremonies. The black bean^. 

The Lemurial ceremonies extended through 
three days, or rather nights, although, for some 
curious reason or other, they were alternate 
and not consecutive nights. They were the 
nights of the ninth, eleventh, and thirteenth 
of May. The ceremonies were performed in 
the night, for the reason that it was in the 
dark hours that ghosts and goblins were accus- 
tomed, as was supposed, to roam about the 
world to haunt and terrify men. 

The ceremonies performed on these occa- 
sions are thus described. They commenced 
at midnight. The father of the family would 
rise at that hour and go out at the door of the 
house, making certain gesticulations and sig- 
nals with his hands, which were supposed to 
have the effect of keeping the specters away. 
He then washed his hands three times in pure 
spring water. Then he filled his mouth with 
a certain kind of black beans for which ghosts 
were supposed to have some particular fond- 
ness. Being thus provided he would walk 
along, taking the beans out of his mouth as he 
walked, and throwing them behind him. The 
epecters were supposed to gather up these 
beans as he threw them down. He must, 
however, by no means look round to see them. 



B.C. 754.] Founding OF EoME. 223 

state of Rome after the death of Remus. 

He theiij after speaking certain mysterious 
and cabalistic words, washed his hands again, 
and then making a frightful noise by striking 
brass basins together, he shouted out nine 
times, '' Ghosts of this house begone !" This 
was supposed effectually to drive the specters 
away — an opinion which was always abun- 
dantly confirmed by the fact ; for on looking 
round after this vociferated adjuration, the 
man always found that the specters were gone ! 

When by these ceremonies, or ceremonies 
6uch as these, Romulus had appeased the 
epirit of his brother, and those of the guard- 
ians of his childhood, his mind became more 
composed, and he turned his attention once 
knore toward the building of the city. The 
party of Hemus now, of course, since it was 
deprived of its head, no longer maintained 
itself, but was gradually broken up and 
merged in the general mass. Romulas be- 
(^,ame the sole leader of the enterprise, and 
immediately turned his attention to the meas- 
ures to be adopted for a more complete and 
effectual organization of the community over 
which he found himself presiding. 

In respect to Remus, it ought perhaps to be 
added, that after his death a story was circu- 



224: RoMULTJS. [B.C. 754 

The story of Celer. Probable explanation of it. 

lated in Kome that it was a man named Celer, 
and not Romulus, that killed him. This story 
has not, however, been generally believed. It 
has been thought more probable that Homulus 
himself, or some of his partisans and friends, 
invented and circulated the story of Celer, in 
order to screen him in some degree from the 
reproach of so unnatural a crime as the killing 
of a brother so near and dear to him as Kemus 
had been ; — a brother who had shared his in- 
fancy wdth him, who had slept with him, at 
the same time, in the arms of his mother, who 
had floated with him down the Tiber in the 
same ark, been saved from death by the same 
miraculous intervention, and through all the 
years of infancy, childhood, and youth, had 
been his constant playmate, companion, and 
friend. The crime was as much more atro- 
cious than any ordinary fratricide, as Remus 
had been nearer to Romulus than any ordi- 
nary brother. 



B.C. 754.] Okganization. 225 

Discussion in respect to ancient dates. Difficulties 



CnAPTEK X. 
ORGANIZATION. 

J I ^PIEKE has been a great deal of philo- 
-^ sopliical discussion, and miicli debate, 
among historians and chronologists, in at- 
tempting to fix the precise year in which 
Romulus commenced the building of Home. 
The difficulty arises from the fact, that no 
regular records of jDublic events were made 
in those ancient days. In modern times, 
such records are very systematically kept, — 
an express object of them being to preserve 
and perpetuate a knowledge of the exact 
truth in respect to the time, and the attendant 
circumstances, relating to all great transac- 
tions. On the other hand, the memory of 
public events in early periods of the world, 
was preserved only through tradition ; and 
tradition cares little for the exact and the 
true. She seeks only for what is entertaining. 
Her function being simply to give pleasure to 
successive generations of listeners, by exciting 
their curiosity and wonder with tales, — wliich; 

P 



226 KoMULus. [B.G.TS-Jr. 

Nature of tradition. Extreme youth of Romulus. 

tlie more strange and romantic they are, tlie 
better tliey are suited to her purpose — she 
concerns herself very little with such simple 
verities as dates and names. The exposure 
of the twin infants of Ehea, supposing such 
an event to have actually happened, she re 
membered well, and repeated the narrative 
of it — adorning it, doubtless, with many em- 
bellishments — from age to age, so that the 
whole story comes down to modern times in 
full detail ; but as to the time when the event 
took place, she gave herself no concern. The 
date would have added nothing to the ro- 
mance of the story, and thus it was neglected 
and forgotten. 

In subsequent times, however, when regu- 
lar historical annals began to be recorded, 
chronologists attempted to reason backward, 
from events whose periods were known, 
through various data which they ingeniously 
obtained from the preceding and less formal 
narratives, until they obtained the dates of 
earlier events by a species of calculation. In 
this way the time for the building of Rome 
was determined to lie about the year 764 be- 
fore Christ. As to Romulus himself, the tra- 
dition is that he was but ^-ighteen or twenty 



B.C. 754:.J Organization. 227 

Varro's astrological calculation. Ingemiity of it» 

years old when lie commenced the building 
of it. If this is true, his extreme youth goes 
far to palliate some of the wrongs which ho 
perpetrated — wrongs which would have been 
far more inexcusable if committed with the 
deliberate purpose of middle life, than if 
prompted by the unthinking impulses and 
passions of eighteen. 

A certain Koman philosopher, named Yar- 
ro, who lived some centuries after the building 
of the city, conceived of a very ingenious plan 
for discovering the year in which Komulus 
was born. It was this. By means of the 
science of astrology, as practiced in those 
days, certain learned magicians used to pre- 
dict w^hat the life and fortunes of any man 
would be, from the aspects and phases of the 
planets and other heavenly bodies at the time 
of his birth. The idea of Yarro was to re- 
verse this procc^ss in the case of Komulus ; 
that is, to deduce from the known facts of 
his history what must have been the relative 
oituations of the planets and stars when ho 
came into the world ! He accordingly ap- 
plied to a noted astrologer to work out the 
problem for him. Given, a history of the 
incidents and events occurring to the man in 



•228 RoMTJLTJS. [B.aT54. 

Olympiads. The race of Corcebus. 

his progress through life ; required, the exact 
condition of the skies when the child was 
born. In other words, the astrologer was to 
determine what must have been the relative 
positions of the sun, moon, and stars, at the 
birth of Romulus, in order to produce a being 
whose life should exhibit such transactions 
and events as those which ap^^eared in Rom- 
ulus's subsequent history. "When the astrolo- 
ger had thus ascertained the condition of the 
skies at the time in question, the astronomers^ 
as Yarro concluded, could easily calculate 
the month and the year when the combina- 
tion must have occurred. 

]^ow, it was the custom in those days to 
reckon by Olympiads, which were periods of 
four years, the series commencing with a great 
victory at a foot-race in Greece, won by a 
man named Corcebus, from which event 
originated the Olympian games, which wero 
afterward celebrated every four years, and 
which in subsequent ages became so renown 
ed. The time when Corcebus ran his race, 
and thus furnished an era for all the subse- 
quent chr:>nologists and historians of liia 
country, is generally regarded as about tho 
year Y76 before Christ ; and the result of the 



B.C. 754.] Organization. 229 



Tho result of Varro's computation. 



calculations of Yarro's astrologer, and of the 
astronomers who perfected it, was, that to lead 
such a life as Romulus led, a man must have 
been born at a time corresponding with the 
first year of the second Olympiad ; that is, 
taking off from 776, four years, for the first 
Olympiad, the first year of the second Olym- 
piad would be 772 ; this would make the time 
of his birth 772 before Christ ; and then de- 
ducting eighteen years more, for the age of 
Komulus when he began to build his wall, we 
have 754 before Christ as the era of the foun- 
dation of Rome. This method of determining 
a point in chronology seems so absurd, accord- 
ing to the ideas of the present day, that we 
can hardly resist the conclusion, that Yarro, 
in making his investigation, was really guided 
by other and more satisfactory modes of de- 
termining the point, and that the horoscope 
was not what he actually relied upon. How- 
ever this may be, the era which he fixed upon 
has been very generally received, though 
many others have been proposed by the dif- 
ferent learned men who have successively in- 
vestigated the question. 

According to the accounts given by the 
early writers, the constructions which Romu- 



^SO RoMULijs. [B.C. 754 

Probable character of the first constructions at Rome. 

£us and his companions made were of a very 
rude and simple cliaracter; such as might 
have been expected from a company of boys : 
for boys we ought perhaps to consider them 
all, since it is not to be presumed that the 
troop, in respect to age and experience, would 
be much in advance of the leaders. The wall 
which they built about the city was probably 
only a substantial stone fence, and their 
houses were huts and hovels. Even the pal- 
ace, for there was a building erected for 
Homulus himself which was called the palace, 
was made, it is said, of rushes. Perhaps the 
meaning is that it was thatched with rushes, 
— or possibly the expression refers to a mode 
of building sometimes adopted in the earlier 
stages of civilization, in which straw, or 
rushes, or some similar material is mixed with 
mud or clay to help bind the mass together, 
the whole being afterward dried in the sun. 
"Walls thus made have been found to possess 
much more strength and durability than 
would be supposed possible for such a mate- 
rial to attain. 

However this may be, the hamlet of huts 
which Romulus and his wild coadjutors built 
and walled in, must have appeared, at the 



B.C. 754.] Organization. 231 

Romulus convenes an assembly of the people. 

time, to all observers, a very rude and imper^ 
feet attempt at building a city; in fact it 
must have seemed to them, if it is true that 
Romulus was at that time only eighteen yeara 
old, more like a frolic of thoughtless boys 
than a serious enterprise of men. Romulus, 
however, whatever others may have thought 
of his work, was wholly in earnest. He felt 
that he was a prince, and proud of his birth, 
and fully conscious of his intellectual and 
personal power, he determined that he would 
have a kingdom. 

It seems, however, that thus far he had not 
been considered as possessing any thing like 
regal authority over his company of followers, 
but had been regarded only as a sort of chief- 
tain exercising an undefined and temporary 
power ; for as soon as the huts were built and 
the inclosures made, he is said to have con- 
vened an assembly of the people, for consul- 
tation in respect to the plan of government 
that they should form. Romulus introduced 
the business of this meeting by a speech ap- 
propriate to the occasion, which speech is re- 
ported i^y an ancient historian somewhat as 
follows. "Whether Romulus actually spoke 
the words thus attributed to him, or whethei 



232 EoMTTLTJs. [E.G. Y5-1. 

Tho speech of Romulus. Ilia i)ropc3al9. 

the report contains only wliat tlie reporter 
himself imagined him to say, there is now no 
means of knowing. 

" We have now," said Romuliis, according 
to this record, " completed the building of our 
city, so far as at present we are able to do it ; 
and it must be confessed that if we were re- 
quired to depend for protection against a se- 
rious attack from an enemy, on the height of 
our walls, or on their strength and solidity, 
our prospects would not be very encouraging. 
But our walls we must remember are not what 
we rely upon. 'No walls can be so high, that 
an enemy can not scale them. The depend- 
ence must be after all on the men within the 
city, and not on the ramparts and entrench- 
ments which surround it, whatever those ram- 
parts and entrenchments may be. We must 
therefore rely upon ourselves, for our safety ; 
— ^upon our valor, our discipline, our union 
and harmony. It is courage and energy in 
the people, not strength in outward defenses, 
on which the safety and prosperity of a State 
must depend. 

" The great work before us therefore is yet 
to be done. We have to organize a govern- 
ment under which order and discipline may 



B.C. 754.] ORGANIZATION. 233 



The three forms of government. 



come in, to control and direct our energies, 
and prepare us to meet whatever future exi- 
gencies may arise, whether of peace or war. 
What form shall be given to this government 
is the question that you have now to consider. 
I have learned by inquiry that there are va- 
rious modes of government adopted among 
men, and between these we have now to de- 
cide. Shall our commonwealth be governed 
by one man? Or shall we select a certain 
number of the wisest and bravest of the citi 
zens, and commit the administration of public 
affairs to them ? Or, in the third place, shall 
we commit the management of the govern- 
ment to the control of the people at large? 
Each of these three forms has its advantages, 
and each is attended with its own peculiar 
dangers. You are to choose between them. 
Only when the decision is once made, let us 
all unite in maintaining the government 
which shall be established, whatever its form 
may be." 

The result of the deliberation which follow 
ed, after the delivery of this address, was that 
the government of the state should be, like 
the government of Alba, under which the fol- 
lowers of Romalus had been born, a monar- 



234 EoMULUs. [B.C. 754-. 

R )raulus himself made king, 

chy ; and that Eomulus himself should be 
king. He was a prince by birth, an inheritor 
of regal rank and power, by regular succes- 
sion, from a line of kings. He had showii 
himself, too, by his deeds, to be worthy of 
power. He w^as courageous, energetic, saga- 
cious, and universally esteemed. It was de- 
cided accordingly that he should be king, and 
he was proclaimed such by all the assembled 
multitude, with long and loud acclamations. 

Notwithstanding the apparent unanimity 
and earnestness of the people, however, in 
calling Eomulus to the throne, he evinced, as 
the story goes, the proper degree of that re- 
luctance and hesitation which a suitable re- 
gard to appearances seems in all ages to re- 
quire of public men when urged to accept of 
power. He was thankful to the people for 
the marks of their confidence, but he could 
not consent to assume the responsibilities and 
prerogatives of power until the choice made 
by his countrymen had been confirmed by the 
divinities of the land. So he resolved on in 
stituting certain solemn religious ceremonies, 
during the progress of which he hoped to re- 
ceive some manifestation of the divine will. 
These ceremonies consisted principally of sac 



B.a'754.] Okganization. 235 

Divine intimation in his favor. Commencement of his reign. 

rifices which he caused to be offered on the 
plain near the city. While Romulus was en- 
gaged in these services, the expected token 
of the divine approval appeared in a super- 
natural light which shone upon his hand. At 
least it was said that such a light was seen, 
and the a23pearing of it was considered as 
clearly confirming the right of Romulus to the 
throne. He no longer made any objection to 
assuming the government of the new city as 
its acknowledged king. 

The first object to which he gave his atten- 
tion was the organization of the people, and 
the framing of the general constitution of 
society. The community over which he was 
called to preside had consisted thus far of 
very heterogeneous and discordant materials. 
Yast numbers of the people were of the hum- 
blest and most degraded condition, consisting 
of ignorant peasants, some stupid, others tur- 
bulent and ungovernable; and of refugees 
from justice, such as thieves, robbers, and 
outlaws of every degree. But then, on th« 
other hand, there were many persons of stand 
ing and respectability. The sons of families 
of wealth and influence in Alba had, in many 
cases, joined the expedition, and at last, when 



236 E OMUL us [KG. 754. 

Probable origin of the Roman institutions. 

the building of the city had advanced so far 
as to make it appear that the enterprise might 
succeed, more men of age and character came 
to join it, so that Eomulus found himself, 
when he formally assumed the kingly power, 
at the head of a community which contained 
the elements of a very respectable common- 
wealth. These elements were, however, thus 
far all mingled together in complete confu- 
sion, and the work that was first to be done 
was to adopt some plan for classifying and 
arranging them. 

It is most probable, as a matter of fact, that 
the organization and the institutions which in 
subsequent times appeared in the Roman 
state, were not deliberately planned and for- 
mally introduced by Romulus at the outset, 
but that they gradually grew up in the pro- 
gress of time, and that afterward historians 
and philosophers, in speculating upon them 
at their leisure, carried back the history of 
them to the earliest times, in order, by so 
doing, to honor the founder of the city, and 
also to exalt and aggrandize the institutions 
themselves in public estimation, by celebrat- 
ing the antiquity and dignity of their origin. 

The institutions which Romulus actually 



B.C. 754.] Okganization. 237 

Republican character of the government. 

foimded, were of a very republican character, 
if the accounts of subsequent writers are to 
be believed. He established, it ie true, a gra- 
dation of ranks, but the most important offices, 
civil and military, were filled, it is said, by 
election on the part of the people. In the 
first place, the whole population was divided 
into three portions, which were called tribes^ 
which word was formed from the Latin word 
tres^ meaning three. These tribes chose each 
three presiding officers, selecting for the pur- 
pose the oldest and most distinguished of their 
number. It is probable, in fact, that Eomu- 
lus himself really made the selection, and that 
the action of the people was confined to some 
sort of expression of assent and concurrence ; 
for it is difficult to imagine how any other 
kind of election than this could be possible 
among so rude and ignorant a multitude. 
The tribes were then subdivided each into 
thirty counts or counties^ and each of these 
likewise elected its head. Thus there was a 
large body of magistrates or chieftains ap- 
pointed, ninety-nine in number, namely, nine 
heads of tribes and ninety heads of comities. 
Komulus himself added one to the number, 
of his own independent selection, which mpd^. 



238 EoMULUs. [B.C. 754. 

Patricians and plebians. Patrons and clients. 

the hundredth. The men thus chosen, con- 
stituted what was called the senate. Thej 
formed the great legislative council of the na- 
tion. They and the families descending from 
them became, in subsequent times, an aristo- 
cratic and privileged class, called the Patri 
cians. The remaining portion of the popula- 
tion were called Plebeians. 

The Plebeians comprised, of course, the in- 
dustrial and useful classes, and were in rank 
and station inferior to the Patricians. They 
were, however, not all upon a level with each 
other, for they were divided into two great 
classes, called patrons and clients. The pa- 
trons were the employers, the ^proprietors, the 
men of influence and capital. The clients 
were the employed, the dependent, the poor. 
The clients were to perform services of various 
kinds for the patrons, and the patrons w^ere to 
reward, to protect, and to defend the clients. 
All these arrangements Pomulus is said to 
have ordained by his enactments, and thua 
introduced as elements in the social constitu- 
tion of the state. It is more probable, how- 
ever, that instead of being thus expressly es- 
tablished, by the authority of Pomulus as a 
lawgiver, they gradually grc^/ up of them- 



B.C. 754.] Organizatioit. 239 

Duration of the reign of Komulus. Usages. 

selves, perhaps with some fostering attention 
and care on his part, and possibly nndev some 
positive regulation of law. For such impor- 
tant and complicated relations as these are 
not of a nature to be easily called into exist- 
ence and action, in an extended and unorgan- 
ized community, by the mere fiat of a mili- 
tary chieftain. 

Perhaps, however, it is not intended by the 
ancient historians, in referring all these com 
plicated arrangements of the Roman civil pol- 
ity to the enactments of Romulus, to convey 
the idea that he introduced them at once in 
all their completeness, at the outset of his 
reign. Romulus continued king of Rome for 
nearly forty years, and instead of making ±or- 
mal and positive enactments, he may have 
gradually introduced the arrangements as- 
cribed to him, as usages which he fostered 
and encouraged, — confirming and sanctioning 
them from time to time, when occasion re- 
quired, by edicts and laws. 

However this may have been, it is certain 
tliat Romulus, in the course of his reign, laid 
tlie foundation of the future greatness and 
glory of Rome, by the energy w^ith which he 
acted in int'-jducing order, system, and disci- 



240 EoMULUs. [B.C. 754. 

DifBculty of immediately organizing such a community. 

pline into the community which he found 
gathered around him. He seems to have had 
the sagacity to perceive from the outset that 
the great evil and danger which he had to 
fear was the prevalence of the spirit of disor 
der and misrule among his followers. In fact, 
nothing but tumult and confusion was to have 
been expected from such a lawless horde as 
his, and even after the city was built, the 
presumption must have been very strong in 
the mind of any considerate and prudent man, 
against the possibility of ever regulating and 
controlling such a mass of heterogeneous and 
discordant materials, by any human means. 
Komulus saw, however, that in effecting this 
purpose lay the only hope of the success of 
his enterprise, and he devoted himself with 
great assiduity and care, and at the same time 
with great energy and success,, to the v/ork 
of organizing it. The great leading objects of 
his life, from the time that he commenced tie 
government of the new city, were to arrangc3 
and regulate social institutions, to establish 
laws, to introduce discipline, to teach and ac- 
custom men to submit to authority, and to 
bring in the requirements of law, and the 
authority of the various recognized relations 



13.0.754.] ORGANIZATION. 241 

Importance of the parental and family relation. 

of social life, to control and restrain the way- 
ward impulses of the natural heart. 

As a part of this system of policy, he laid 
great stress upon the parental and family rela- 
tion. He saw in the tie which binds the father 
to the child and the child to the father, a nat- 
ural bond which he foresaw would greatly aid 
him in keeping the turbulent and boisterous 
propensities of human nature under some 
proper control. He accordingly magnified 
and confirmed the natural force of parental 
authority by adding the sanctions of law to it. 
He defined and established the power of the 
father to govern and control the son, rightly 
considering that the father is the natural ally 
of the state in restraining young men from 
violence, and enforcing habits of industry and 
order u]3on them, at an age when they most 
need control. He clothed parents, therefore, 
with authority to fulfill this function, consider 
ing that what he thus aided them to do, was 
so much saved for the civil magistrate and 
the state. In fact, he carried this so far that 
it is said that the dependence of the child 
upon the father, under the institutions of 
E-omulus, was more complete, and was pro- 
tracted to a later period than was tlie case 

Q. 



242 E OMUL us. [B.C. 754 

The father a magistrate. The marriage tie, 

under the laws of any other nation. The 
power of the father over his household was 
supreme. He was a magistrate, so far as his 
children were concerned, and could thus not 
onlj require their services, and inflict light 
punishments for disobedience upon them, as 
with us, but he could sentence them to the 
severest penalties of the law, if guilt j of 
crime. 

The laws were equally stringent in respect 
to the marriage tie. Death was the penalty 
for the violation of the marriage vows. All 
property belonging to the husband and to the 
wife was held by them in common, and the 
wife, if she survived the husband, and if the 
husband died without a will, became his sole 
heir. In a word, the laws of Romulus evince 
a very strong desire on the part of the legis 
lator to sustain the sacredness and to magnify 
the importance of the family tie ; and to avail 
himself of those instinctive principles of obli- 
gation and duty which so readily arise in the 
human mind out of the various relations of the 
family state, in the plans which he formed for 
subduing the impulses and regulating the ac- 
tion of his rude community. 

He devoted great attention too to the insti^tii 



B.C. 754.] OfiGANizATiON. 243 

Religious ceremonies. Auguries. The three augurs. 

tions of religion. He knew well that such law- 
less and impetuous spirits as his could never 
be fully subdued and held in proper subor- 
dination to the rules of social order and moral 
duty, without the influence of motives drawn 
from the S23iritual world ; and he accordingly 
adopted vigorous measures for confirming and 
perpetuating such religious observances as 
were at that time observed, and in introducing 
others. Every public act which he performed 
was always accompanied and sanctioned by 
religious solemnities. The rites and ceremo- 
nies which he instituted seem puerile to us, 
but they were full of meaning and of efiicacy 
in the view of those who performed them. 
There was, for examj^le, a class of religious 
functionaries called augurs^ whose office it was 
to interpret the divine will by means of cer- 
tain curious indications which it was their 
special profession to understand. There were 
three of these augurs, and they were employed 
on all public occasions, both in peace and 
war, to ascertain from the omens whether the 
enterprise or the work in regard to which they 
were consulted was or was not favored by the 
councils of heaven. If the augury was pro« 
j)itious the work was entered upon with vigor 



244 EoMTJLus. [13.0.754. 

Various kinds of omens. Station of the auguia. 

and confidence. If otherwise, it was post- 
poned or abandoned. 

The omens which the augurs observed were 
of various kinds, being drawn sometimes from 
certain peculiarities in the form and structure 
of the internal organs of animals ofiered in 
sacrifice, sometimes from the appearance of 
birds in the sky, their numbers or the direc- 
tion of their flight, and sometimes from the 
forms of clouds, the appearance of the light- 
ning, and the sound of the thunder. When- 
ever the augurs w^ere to take the auspices 
from any of the signs of the sky, the process 
was this. They would go with solemn cere- 
mony to some high place — in Rome there was 
a station expressly consecrated to this purpose 
on the Capitoline hill, — and there, with a sort 
of magical wand which they had for the pur- 
pose, one of the number would determine and 
indicate the four quarters of the heaven, 
pointing out in a solemn manner the direc- 
tions of east, west, north and south. The 
augur would then take his stand with his back 
to the west and his face of course to the east. 
The north would then be on his left hand and 
the south at his right. He would then, in 
this position watch for the signs. If it was 



B.C. 754. J ORGANIZATION. 245 

Thunder and lightning. Birds. Nature of the ancient superstition. 

from the thunder that the auspices were to be 
taken, the augur would listen to liear from 
what quarter of the heavens it came. If the 
lightning appeared in the east and the sound 
of the thunder seemed to come from the 
northward, the presage was favorable. So it 
was if the chain of lightning seen in the sky 
ajjpeared to pass from cloud to cloud above, 
instead of descending to the ground. On the 
other hand, thunder sounding as if it came 
from the southward, and lightning striking- 
down to the earth, were both unpropitious 
omens. As to birds, some were of good omen, 
as vultures, eagles and woodpeckers. Others 
were evil, as ravens and owls. Various infer- 
ences were drawn too from the manner in 
which the birds that appeared in the air, were 
seen to fly, and from the sound of their note 
at the time when the observation was made. 

By these and many similar means the gov- 
ernment of Romulus vainly endeavored to 
ascertain the will of heaven in resj)ect to the 
plans and enterprises in which they were 
called upon from time to time to engage. 
There was perhaps in these observances much 
imposture, and much folly ; still they could 
only have been sustained, in their influenco 



246 EoMULTJS. [13.0.754. 

Results of the arrangements made by Romulus. 

and ascendency over the minds of the people, 
bj a sincere veneration on their part for some 
unseen and spiritnal power, and a reverent 
desire to conform the public measures of their 
government to what they supposed to be the 
divine will. 

By such measures as we have thus described 
Komulus soon produced order out of confu- 
sion within his little commonwealth. The en- 
terprise which he had undertaken and the 
great success w^hich had thus far followed it, 
attracted great attention, and he soon found 
that great numbers began to come m from all 
the surrounding country to join him. Many 
of these were persons of still worse character 
than those who had adhered to him at first, 
and he soon found that to admit them indis- 
criminately into the city would be to endan- 
ger the process of organization which was now 
so well begun. He accordingly set apart a 
hill near to his city called the Capitoline hill, 
as an asylum for them, where they could re- 
main in safety under regulations suitable to 
their condition, and without interfering with 
the arrangements which he had made for the 
rest. This asylum soon became a very at- 
tractive place for all the vagabonds, outlaws. 



B.C. 754.] Organization. i5d7 



The asylum on the Capitoline hilL 



thieves and robbers of the country. Ronmlus 
welcomed them all, and as fast as they came 
he busied himself with plans to furnish them 
with employment and subsistence. lie en- 
listed some of them in his army. Some he 
employed to cultivate the ground in the terri- 
tory belonging to the city. Others were en- 
gaged as servants for the people within the 
walls — ^being taken into the city, in small 
numbers, from time to time, as fast as they 
could be safely received. In process of time, 
however, the walls of the city were extended 
so as to include the Capitoline hill, and thus 
at last the whole mass was brought into Home 
together. 



248 EoMULus. [B.C. 351. 

Ti>6 rape of the Sabines. Narrative of it. 



ChapteeXL 
"Wives. 

lYERY reader who has made even the 
smallest begmning in the study of an- 
cient history, must be acquainted, in general, 
with the mode which Eomulus adopted to 
provide the people of his city with wives, by 
the transaction which is commonly called in 
history the rape of the Sabines. The deed 
itself, as it actually occurred, may perhaps 
have been one of great rudeness, violence, 
and cruelty. If so, the historians who de- 
scribed it contrived to soften the character of 
it, and to divest it in a great measure of the 
repulsive features which might have been 
6upj)0sed to characterize such a transaction, 
for, according to the narrative which they 
give us, the whole proceeding was conducted 
in such a manner as to evince not only great 
ingenuity and sagacity on the part of Komulos 
and his government, but also great modera- 
tion and humanity. The circumstances, as 
the historians relate them, were these : 



13.0. 351.] Wives. 249 

The population of Rome chiefly men. 

As might naturally be supposed from the 
manner in wbicli the company which formed 
the population of Rome had been collected, it 
consisted at first almost wholly of men. The 
laws and regulations referred to in the last 
chapter, in respect to the family relation, were 
those framed after the organization of the 
community had become somewhat advanced, 
since at the outset there could be very few 
families, inasmuch as the company which first 
met together to build the city, consisted 
simply of an army of young men. It is true 
that among those who joined them at first 
there were some men of middle life and some 
families, — still, as is always the case with new 
cities and countries suddenly and rapidly 
settled, the population consisted almost en- 
tirely of men. 

It was necessary that the men should have 
wives. There were several reasons for this. 
First, it was necessary for the comfort and 
happiness of the people themselves. A com- 
munity of mere men is gloomy and desolate. 
Secondly, for the continuance and perpetuity 
of the state it was necessary that there should 
be wives and children, so that when one gene- 
ration should liave passed away there might 



250 EoMULiJs. [B.C. 351. 

Necessity of providing wives for them. 

be another to succeed it. And, thirdly, for 
the preservation of order and law. Men un- 
married are, in the mass, proverbially nn- 
goyernable. Is'othing is so eifectual in keep- 
ing a citizen away from scenes of tumult and 
riot as a wife and children at home. The 
fearful violence of the riots and insurrections 
of which the city of Paris has so often been 
the scene, is explained, in a great degree, by 
the circumstance that so immense a proportion 
of the population are unmarried. They have 
no homes, and no defenseless wives and chil- 
dren to fear for, and so they fear nothing, but 
give themselves u]3, in times of public excite- 
ment, to the wildest impulses of j)assion. 
Komulus seems to have understood this, and 
his first care was to provide the way by which 
as many as possible of his people should be 
married. 

The first measure which he adopted, was to 
send ambassadors around to the neighboring 
states, soliciting alliances with them, and 
stipulations allowing of intermarriages be- 
tween his people and theirs. The proposal 
seemed not unreasonable, and it was made in 
an unassuming and respectful manner. In the 
message which llomulus commissioned the 



B.C. 351] Wives. 251 

Romulus sends embassadors to the surrounding states, 

embassadors to deliver, lie admitted that his 
colony was yet small, and by no means equal 
in influence and power to the kingdoms whose 
alliance he desired ; but he reminded those 
whom he addressed that great results came 
sometimes in the end from very inconsiderable 
beginnings, and that their enterprise thus far, 
though yet in its infancy, had been greatly 
prospered, and was plainly an object of divine 
favor, and that the time might not be far dis- 
tant when the new state would be able fully 
to reciprocate such favors as it might now re- 
ceive. 

The neighboring kings to whom these em- 
bassages were sent rejected the proposals with 
derision. They did not even give serious 
answers, obviously considering the new city 
as a mere temporary gathering and encamp- 
ment of adventurers and outlaws, which would 
be as transient as it was rude and irregular. 
They looked to see it break up as suddenly 
and tuniultuouslv as it had been formed, 
riiey accordingly sent back word to Romulus 
that he nicr^t report to the same plan to get 
women for his city that he had adopted to 
procure recruits of men. He must open an 
asylum for them. The low and the dissolute 



'252 Romulus. [B.C. 351. 

Insulting replies. Anger of the Romans, 

would come flocking to liim then, tliey said, 
from all parts, and vagabond women would 
make just the kind of wives for vagabond 
men. 

Of course, the young men of the city were 
aroused to an extreme pitch of indignation 
at receiving this response. They were clamo- 
rous for war. They wished Eomulus to lead 
them out against some of these cities at once, 
and allow them at the same time to revenge 
tJie insults which they had received, and to 
provide themselves with wives by violence, 
since they could not obtain them by solicita- 
tion. But Bomulus restrained their ardor, 
saying that they must do nothing rashly, and 
joromising to devise a better way than theirs 
to attain the end. 

The plan which he devised was to invite 
the people of the surrounding states and cities 
both men and women, to come to Borne, w^ith 
a view of seizing some favorable occasion for 
capturing the women while they were there, 
and driving the men away. The difliculty in 
the way of the execution of this plan was ob- 
viously to induce the people to come, and es- 
pecially to bring the young women with them. 
The native timidity of the maidens, joined to 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 258 

Griat discovery made by Romulus. His plan. 

tlie contemptuous feelings whicli their fathers 
and brothers cherished, in regard to every 
tiling pertaining to the new city, would very 
naturally keep them away, unless something 
could be devised which would exert a very 
strong attraction. 

Romulus waited a little time, in order that 
any slight excitement which had been pro 
duced by his embassy should have had time 
to subside, and then he made, or pretended to 
make, a great discovery in a field not far from 
his town. This discovery was the finding of an 
ancient altar of N^eptune, under ground. The 
altar was brought to view by some workmen who 
were making excavations at the place. How 
it came to be under ground, and who had 
built it, no one knew. The rumor of this 
great discovery was spread immediately in 
every direction. jRomulus attached great im 
portance to the event. The altar had un 
doubtedly been built, he thought, by the an 
cient inhabitants of the country, and the find 
ing it was a very momentous occurrence. l\ 
was proper that the occasion should be solem- 
nized by suitable religious observances. 

Accordingly, arrangements were made foi 
a grand celebration. In addition to the re- 



254 KoMULUs. [B.C. 351. 

Plans for the festival. Races, games, and shows. 



ligioiis rites, Homulus proposed that a great 
fair should be held on a plain near the city at 
the same time. Booths were erected, and the 
merchants of all the neighboring cities were 
invited to come, bringing with them such ar- 
ticles as they had for sale, and those who 
wished to buy were to come with their money. 
In a word, arrangements were made for a 
great and splendid festival. 

There were to be games too, races, and 
wrestlings, and other athletic sports, such as 
were in vos-ue in those times. The celebra- 
tion was to continue for many days, and the 
games and sports were to come at the end. 
Romulus sent messengers to all the surround- 
ing country to proclaim the programme of 
these entertainments, and to invite every body 
to come ; and he adroitly arranged the de- 
tails in such a manner that the chief attrac- 
tions for grave, sober-minded and substantia] 
men should be on the earlier days of the show, 
and that the latter days should be devoted to 
lighter amusements, such as would possess a 
charm for the young, the light-hearted and 
the happy. It was among this last class that he 
naturally expected to find the maidens whom 
his men would choose in looking for wives. 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 255 

A groat concourso assomblea at the fair. 

When the time arrived the sj)ectacles coiii = 
menced. There was a great concourse at the 
outset, but the people who first came, were, 
as Romulus supposed would be the case, 
chiefly men. They came in companies, as if 
for mutual support and protection, and they 
exhibited in a greater or less degree an air of 
suspicion, watchfulness and mistrust. They 
were, however, received with great cordiality 
and kindness. They were conducted about 
the town, and were astonished to find how 
considerable a town it was. The streets, the 
houses, the walls, the temples, simple in con- 
struction as they were, far surpassed the expec- 
tations they had formed. The visitors were 
treated with great hospitality, and entertained 
in a manner which, considering the circum- 
stances of the case, was quite sunijDtuous. 
The women and children too, who came on 
these first days, received from all the Romans 
very special attention and regard. 

As the celebrations went on from day to 
day, a considerable change took place in the 
character and appearance of the com^Dany. 
The men ceased to be suspicious and watch- 
ful. Some went home, and carried such re- 
ports of the new city, and of the kindness, 



256 Romulus. [B.C. 351. 

The spectacles continue several weeks. 

and hospitality, and gentle behavior of the in^ 
habitants, that new visitors came continually 
to see for themselves. Every day the propor- 
tion of stern and suspicious men diminished, 
and that of gay and happy-looking youths 
and maidens increased. 

In the mean time, the men of the city were 
under strict injunctions from Homulus to treat 
their guests in the most respectful manner, 
leaving them entirely at liberty to go and 
come as they pleased, except so far as they 
could detain them by treating them with 
kindness and attention, and devising new 
sports and amusements for them from day to 
day. Things continued in this state for two 
or three weeks, during all which time the 
new city was a general place of resort for the 
people of all the surrounding country. Of 
course a great many agreeable acquaintances 
would naturally be formed between the young 
men of the city and their visitors, as acci- 
dental circumstances, or individual choice and 
preference brought them together ; and thus, 
without any directions on the subject from 
Romulus, each man would very naturally 
occupy himself, in anticipation of the genera] 
seizure which he knew was coming, in mak 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 257 

The last day of the fair. Signal to be made by Romulus. 

ing his selection beforehand, of the maiden 
whom he intended, when the time for the 
seizure came, to make his own ; and the 
maiden herself would probably be less terri- 
fied, and make less resistance to the attempt 
to capture her, than if it were by a perfect 
stranger that she was to be seized. 

All this Romulus seems very adroitly to 
hav^e arranged. The time for the final exe- 
cution of the scheme was to be the last day 
of the celebration. The best spectacle and 
show of all was to take place on that day. 
The Romans were directed to come armed to 
this show, but to keep their arms carefully 
concealed beneath their garments. They 
were to do nothing till Romulus gave the sig- 
nal. He was himself to be seated upon a sort 
of throne, in a conspicuous place, where all 
could see him, presiding, as it were, over the 
assembly, while the spectacle went on ; and 
finally, when he judged that the proj)ep mo- 
ment had arrived, he w^as to give the signal 
by taking off a certain loose article of dress 
which he wore — a sort of cloak or mantle — 
and folding it up, and then immediately un- 
folding it again. This mantle was a sort of 
badge of royalty, and was gAjly adorned with 

K 



258 KoMULTS. [13.0.351. 

Excitement of the Romans. Final preparations. 

purple strij)es -apon a white ground. It was 
well adapted, therefore, to the purpose of 
being used as a signal, inasmuch as any mo- 
tions that were made with it could be very 
easily seen. 

Every thing being thus arranged, the as 
sembly was convened, and the games and 
spectacles went on. The Romans were full 
of excitement and trepidation, each one hav- 
ing taken his place as near as possible to the 
maiden whom he was intending to seize, and 
occupying himself with keeping his eye upon 
her as closely as he could, without seeming 
to do so, and at the same time watching the 
royal mantle, and every movement made by 
the wearer of it, that he might catch the 
signal the instant that it should be made. 
All this time the men among the guests at the 
entertainment were oft' their guard, and wholly 
at their ease — having no suspicion whatevei 
of the mine that was ready to be sprung be- 
neath them. The wives, mothers, and chil 
dren, too, were all safe, as well as unsuspicious 
of danger ; for Komulus had given special 
charge that no married woman should be 
molested. The men had had ample time and 
opportunity in the many days of active social 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 259 

The moment arrives. The maidens seized 

Intercourse which they had enjoyed with theii 
gniests, to know who were free, and they were 
forbidden in any instance to take a wife away 
from her husband. 

At length the moment arrived for giving 
the signaL Romulus took off his mantle, 
folded it, and then unfolded it again. The 
Komans immediately drew their swords, and 
rushed forward, each to secure his own prize. 
A scene of the greatest excitement and con- 
fusion ensued. The whole company of visit- 
ors perceived of course that some great act 
of treachery was perpetrated uj)on them, but 
they were w^holly in the dark in resj)ect to 
the nature and design of it. They were 
chiefly unarmed, and wholly unprepared for 
so sudden an attack, and they fled in all 
directions in dismay, protecting themselves 
and their wives and children as well as they 
could, as they retired, and aiming only to 
withdraw as large a number as possible from 
the scene of violence and confusion that pre- 
vailed. The Romans were careful not to do 
them any injury, but, on the contrary, to 
allow them to withdraw, and to take away 
all the mothers and children without any 
molestation. In fact, it was the very obj^c;! 



'260 • EoMTJLTJS. [B.C. 351. 

The men fly. The Romans secure the captive maidens. 

and design of the onset which they made 
upon the company, not only to seize upon the 
maidens, but to drive all the rest of their 
visitors away. The men, therefore, in the 
excitement and terror of the moment, fled in 
all directions, taking with them those whom 
they could most readily secure, who were, of 
course, those whom the Romans left to them ; 
while the Romans themselves withdrew Vv^ith 
their prizes, and secured them within tho 
walls of the city. 

In reading this extraordinary story, we nat- 
urally feel a strong disposition to inquire what 
part the damsels themselves took, when they 
found themselves thus suddenly seized and 
carried away, by these daring and athletic as- 
sailants. Did they resist and struggle to get 
free, or did they yield themselves without 
much opposition to their fate ? That they did 
not resist efiectually is plain, for the Roman 
young men succeeded in carrying them away, 
and securing them. It may be that they at- 
tempted to resist, but found their strength 
overpowered by the desperate and reckless 
violence of their captors. And yet, it can not 
be denied that woman is endued with the 
power of making by various means a verj 



B.C. 35 1.] WiNTES. 263 

An incident. A captive " for Thalassius." 

formidable opposition to any attempt to ab- 
duct her by any single man, when she is thor- 
onghly in earnest about it. How it was in 
fact in tliis case we have no direct information, 
and we have consequently no means of form- 
ing any opinion in respect to the light in which 
this rough and lawless mode of wooing was 
regarded by the objects of it, except from the 
events which subsequently occurred. 

One incident took place while the Romans 
were seizing and carrying away their prizes, 
which was afterward long remembered, as it 
became the foundation of a custom which 
continued for many centuries to form a part 
of the marriage ceremony at Rome. It seems 
that some young men — very young, and of a 
humble class — had seized a peculiarly beauti- 
ful girl — one of some note and consideration, 
too, among her countrywomen — and were car- 
rying her away, like the rest. Some other 
young Romans of the patrician order seeing 
this, and thinking that so beautiful a maiden 
ought not to fall to the share of such plebeip.ns, 
immediately set out in full pursuit to rescue 
her. The plebeians hurried along to escape 
from them, calling out at the same time, 
''^ Thalassio ! Thalassio P'' which means "Foi 



'262 Romulus. [B.C. 351. 

The phrase " for Thalassius" becomes a proverb. 

Tlialassius, For Thalassius." They meant by 
this to convey the idea that the prize which 
they had in possession was intended not for 
any one of their own number, but for Thalas- 
sius. l!^ow Thalassius was a young noble 
universally known and very highly esteemed 
by all his countrymen, and when the rescuing 
party were thus led to suppose that the beau- 
tiful lady was intended for him, they acqui- 
esced immediately, and desisted from their 
attempt to recaj)ture her, and thus by the aid 
of their stratagem the plebeians carried off their 
prize in safety. When this circumstance came! 
afterward to be known, the ingenuity of the 
young plebeians, and the success of their man- 
a3uver, excited very general applause, and the 
exclamation, Thalassio, passed into a sort of 
proverb, and was subsequently adopted as an 
exclamation of assent and congratulation, to 
be used by the spectators at a marriage cere- 
mony. 

Romulus had issued most express and posi- 
tive orders that the young captives should bo 
treated after their seizure in the kindest and 
most respectful manner, and should be subject 
to no violence, and no ill-treatment of any 
kind, other than that necessary for conveying 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 263 

Resentment of the fathers and brothers of the maidens. 

them to the places of security previously des- 
ignated. They suffered undoubtedly a greater 
or less degree of distress and terror, — ^but find- 
ing that they were treated, after their seizure 
with respectful consideration, and that they 
were left unmolested by their captors, they ' 
gradually recovered their composure during 
the night, and in the morning were quite self- 
possessed and calm. Their fathers and broth- 
ers in the mean time had gone home to their 
respective cities, taking with them the women 
and children that they had saved, and burning 
with indignation and rage against the perpe- 
trators of such an act of treachery as had been 
practiced upon them. They were of course 
in a state of great uncertainty and suspense 
in respect to the fate which awaited the cap- 
tives, and were soon eagerly engaged in form- 
ing and discussing all possible plans for res- 
cuing and recovering them. Thus the night 
was passed in agitation and excitement, both 
mthin and without the city, — ^the excitement 
of terror and distress, great perhaps, though 
subsiding, on the part of the captives, and of 
resentment and rage which grew deeper and 
more extended every hour, on the part of their 
countr}Tiien. 



264: EoMULus. [B.C. 351. 

Tlie captives called together in the morning. 

When the morning came, Romulus ordered 
the captive maidens to be all brought together 
before him in order that lie might make as it 
were an apology to them for the violence to 
which they had been subjected, and explain 
to them the circumstances which had impelled 
the Romans to resort to it. 

"You ought not," said he, "to look upon 
it as an indignity that you have been thus 
seized, for the object of the Romans in seizing 
you was not to dishonor you, or to do you any 
injury, but only to secure you for their wives 
in honorable marriage; and far from being 
displeased with the extraordinariness of the 
measures which they have adopted to secure 
you, you ought to take pride in them, as 
evincing the ardor and strength of the affec- 
tion with which you have inspired your lovers. 
I will assure you that when you have become 
their wives you shall be treated with all the 
respect and tenderness that you have beei? 
accustomed to experience under your fathers' 
roofs. The brief coercion which we have em- 
ployed for the purpose of securing you in the 
first instance, — a coercion which we were 
com]3elled to resort to by the necessity of the 
case, — is the only rudeness to which you will 



1).C.351.] Wives. i'G,') 

Address made to them by Romulus. 

ever be exposed. Forgive us then for this 
cue liberty which we have taken, and consider 
that the fanlt, whatever fault in it there may 
be, is not ours, but that of your fathers and 
brothers who rejected our ofiers for voluntary 
and peaceful alliances, and thus compelled us 
to resort to this stratagem or else to lose you 
altogether. Your destiny if you unite with 
us will be great and glorious. We' have not 
taken you captive to make you prisoners or 
slaves, or to degrade you in any way from 
your former position ; but to exalt you to po- 
sitions of high consideration in a new and 
rising colony ; — a colony which is surely 
destined to become great and powerful, and 
of which we mean you to be the chief glory 
and charm." 

The young and handsome Romans stood by 
while Romulus made this speech, their coun- 
tenances animated with excitement and pleas- 
ure. The maidens themselves seemed much 
inclined to yield to their fate. Their resent- 
ment gradually subsided. It has been, in 
fact, in all ages, characteristic of women to 
be easily led to excuse and forgive any wrong 
on the part of another which is prompted by 
love for herself: and these injured maidens 



266 BoMULUs. [B.C. 351. 

Acquiescence of the captives. Cures. 

Beemed gradually to come to the conclusion, 
that considering all the circumstances of the 
ease their abductors were not so much in fault 
after all. In a short time an excellent under- 
standing was established, and they were all 
married. There were, it is said, about five or 
six hundred of them, and it proved that most 
of them were from the nation of the Sabines, 
a nation which inhabited a territory north of 
the colony of the Romans. The ca23ital of 
the Sabines was a city called Cures. Cures 
was about twenty miles from Rome.* 

The Sabines, in deliberating on the course 
which they should pursue in the emergency, 
found themselves in a situation of great per- 
plexity. In the first place the impulse which 
ur2:ed them to immediate acts of retaliation 
and hostility was restrained by the fact that 
so many of their beloved daughters were 
wholly in the power of their enemies, and 
they could not tell what cruel fate miglit 
await the captives if they were themselves to 
resort to any measures that would exasperate 
or provoke the captors. Then again their own 
territory was very much exjDOsed, and they 
were by no means certain, in case a war 

* See map of Latiam, page 134, 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 267 

The Sabines demand the restoration of the captives. 

should be commenced between them and tlie 
Ixomans, how it would end. Their own j)opU" 
hxtion was much divided, being scattered over 
the territory, or settled in various cities 
and towns which were but slightly forti- 
fied, and consequently were much exj^osed 
to assault in case the Romans were to make 
an incursion into their country. In view of 
all these considerations the Sabines concluded 
that it would be best for them on the wdiole, 
to try the influence of gentle measures, before 
resorting to open war. 

They therefore sent an embassy to Homulus, 
to remonstrate in strong terms against the 
wrong which the Komans had done them by 
their treacherous violence, and to demand 
that the young women should be restored. 
*' If you w^ill restore them to us now," said 
they, " we will overlook the affront which you 
have put upon us, and make peace wdth you ; 
and we w^ill enter into an alliance with you 
60 that hereafter your people and ours may be 
at liberty to intermarry in a fair and honor- 
able way, but we can not submit to have our 
daughters taken away from us by treachery 
and force." 

Reasonable as this proposition seems, Tlom- 



268 KoMULus. [B.C. 351. 

Romulus refuses to restore them. 

Uxus did not think it best to accede to it. It 
was, in fact, too late, for such deeds once 
done can hardly be undone. Romulus replied, 
that the women, being now the wives of the 
Romans, could not be surrendered. The 
violence, he said, of which the Sabines com- 
plained was unavoidable. 'No other possible 
way had been open to them for gaining the 
end. He was willing, he added, to enter into a 
treaty of peace and alliance with the Sabines, 
but they must acknowledge, as a preliminary 
to such a treaty, the validity of the marriages, 
which, as they had already been consumma- 
ted, could not now be annulled. 

The Sabines, on their part, could not accede 
to these proposals. Being, however, still re- 
luctant to commence hostilities, they con- 
tinued the negotiations — though while engag- 
ed in them they seemed to anticipate an un- 
favorable issue, for they were occupied all the 
time in organizing troops, strengthening the 
defenses of their villages and towns, and mak- 
ing other vigorous preparations for war. 

The Romans, in the mean time, seemed to 
find the young wives which they had procured 
by these transactions a great acquisition to 
their colony. It proved, too, that they not 



B.C. 351.] Wives. 269 

Ceremony in commemoration of these events. 

only prized the acquisition, but they exulted 
so much in the ingenuity and success of the 
stratagem by which their object had been 
effected, that a sort of symbolical violence in 
taking the bride became afterward a part of 
the marriage ceremony in all subsequent wed- 
dings. For always, in future years, when the 
new-married wife w^as brought home to her 
husband's house, it was the custom for him to 
take her up in his arms at the door, and carry 
her over the threshold as if by force, thus com- 
memorating by this ceremony the coercion 
which had signalized the original marriages 
of his ancestors, the founders of Rome. 



270 Romulus. [B.C. 750 

King Acron.. Caenina. Its distance from Rome^ 



Chapter XII. 

The Sabine Wae. 

'IIILE the negotiations with the Sabiiiea 
were still pending, Homiilus became 
involved in another difficulty, which for a 
time assumed a very threatening aspect. This 
difficulty was a w^ar which broke out, some- 
what suddenly, in consequence of the inva- 
sion of the Roman territories by a neighboring 
chieftain named Acron. Acron was the sov- 
ereign of a small state, whose ca2:>ital was a 
town called Csenina.* This Csenina is sup- 
posed to have been only four or five miles 
distant from Romulus's city, — a fact which 
shows very clearly on how small a scale the 
deeds and exploits connected with the first 
foundation of the great empire, which after- 
ward became so extended and so renowned, 
were originally performed, and how intrinsi- 
cally insignificant they w^cre, in themselves, 
though momentous in the extreme in respect 
to the consequences that fiowc'i from them„ 

* See Map of Latium, page 1 34 



B.C. 750.] The Sabine Wak. 271 

Acron's hostility to the new city. Jlis plans. 



Acron was a bold, energetic, and deter- 
mined man, wlio liad already acquired great 
fame by liis warlike exploits, and who had 
long been watching the progress of the new 
colony with an evil eye. He thought that if 
it were allowed to take root, and to grow, it 
might, at some future day, become a formi- 
dable enemy, both to him, and also to the 
other states in that part of Italy. He had 
been very desirous, therefore, of finding some 
pretext for attacking the new city, and when 
he heard of the seizure of the Sabine women, 
he thought that the time had arrived. He, 
therefore, urged the Sabines to make war at 
once upon the Romans, and promised, if they 
would do so, to assist them with all the forces 
that he could command.. The Sabines, how- 
ever, were so unwilling to proceed to extremi- 
ties, and spent so much time in negotiations 
and embassies, that Acron's patience was at 
length wholly exhausted by the delays, and 
ho resolved to undertake the extermination 
of the new colony himself alone. 

So he gathered together a rude and half- 
organized aiTQy, and advanced toward Rome. 
Romulus, who had been informed of his plans 
and preparations, went out to meet him. The 



272 EoMfjLus. [^.0.750. 

Romulus and Acron meet on the field. 

two armies came in view of eacli other on an 
open plain, not far from the city. Eomulus 
advanced at the head of his troops, while 
Acron apj^eared likewise in the fore-front of 
the invaders. After uttering in the hearing of 
each other, and of the assembled armies, va- 
rious exclamations of challenge and defiance, 
it was at length agreed that the question at 
issue should be decided by single combat, the 
two commanders themselves to be the cham- 
pions. Komultis and Acron accordingly ad- 
vanced into the middle of the field, while 
their armies drew up around them, forming a 
sort of rino; within which the combatants 
were to engage. 

The interest w^hich. would be naturally felt 
by such an encounter, was increased very 
much by the strong contrast that was ob- 
served in the appearance of the warriors. 
Eomulus was very young, and though tall 
and athletic in form, his countenance exhib- 
ited still the expression of softness and deli- 
cacy characteristic of youth. Acron, on the 
other hand, was a war-worn veteran, rugged, 
hardy, and stern ; and the throngs of martial 
spectators that surrounded the field, when 
tliey saw the combatants as they came for- 



B.C. 750.] The Sabine War. 273 

Anticipations of the spectators. Romulus victorioua. 

ward to engage, anticipated a very unequal 
contest. Romulus was nevertheless victori- 
ous. As lie went into the battle, lie made a 
vow to Jupiter, that if he conquered his foe, 
he would ascribe to the god all the glory of 
the victory, and he w^ould set up the arms and 
spoils of Acron at Home, as a trophy sacred 
to Jupiter, in honor of the divine aid through 
which the conquest should be achieved. It 
was in consequence of this vow, as the old 
historians say, that Komulus prevailed in the 
combat. At all events, he did prevail. 
Acron was slain, and while Romulus was 
stripj)ing the fallen body of its armor on the 
field, his men were jDursuing the army of 
Acron, for the soldiers fled in dismay toward 
their city, as soon as they saw that the single 
combat had gone against their king. 

Caenina was not in a condition to make any 
defense, and it was readily taken. When 
the city was thus in che power of Komulus, 
he called the inhabitants together, and said 
to them, that he cheiished no hostile or ro 
eentful feelings toward them. On the con- 
trary, he wished to have them his allies and 
friends, and he promised them, that if they 
would abandon Csenina, and go with him to 

S 



274 Romulus. [B.C. 750 

Results of his victory. Subsequent policy of the Romang. 

Rome, they should all be received as broth 
ers, and be at once incorporated into the 
Roman state, and admitted to all the privi- 
leges of citizens. The people of Csenina, 
when the first feelings of terror and distress 
which their falling into the power of their 
enemies naturally awakened, had been in 
some measure allayed, readily acquiesced in 
this arrangement, and were all transferred to 
Rome. Their coming made a great addition 
not only to the population and strength of the 
city, but vastly increased the celebrity and 
fame of Romulus in the estimation of the 
surrounding nations. 

This victory over Acron, and the annexa- 
tion of his dominions to the Roman common- 
wealth, are considered of great historical im 
portance, as the original type and exemplai 
of the whole subsequent foreign policy of the 
Roman state; — a policy marked by courage 
and energy in martial action on the field, and 
by generosity in dealing with the conquered ; 
and which was so successful in its results, that 
it was the means of extending the Roman 
power from kingdom to kingdom, and from 
continent to continent, until the vast organi' 
station almost encircled the world. 



B.C. 750.] The Sabine Wak. 275 

The trophy of the victory. First Roman triumph. 

Romulus faithfully fulfilled the vow which 
lie had made to Ju23iter. On the return of 
the army to Home, the soldiers, by his direc- 
tions, cut down a small oak-tree, and trim- 
ming the branches at the top, and shortening 
them as much as was necessary for the pur- 
pose, they hung the weapons and armor of 
Acron upon it, and marched with it thus, in 
triumph into the city. Romulus walked in 
the midst of the procession, a crown of laurel 
upon his head, and his long hair hanging 
down upon his shoulders. Thus the victors 
entered the city, greeted all the way by the 
shouts and acclamations of the people, who 
had assembled, — men, women, and children, — 
at the gates and upon the tops of the houses. 
When the long procession had thus passed in, 
tables for the soldiers were spread in the 
streets aud public squares, and the whole day 
was spent in festivity and rejoicing. This 
was the first Roman triumph, — the original 
model and example of those magnificent and 
imposing spectacles which in subsequent ages 
became the wonder of the world. 

The spoils which had been brought in upon 
the oak were solemnly set up, on one of the 
bills within the city, as a trophy to Jupiter. 



276 EoMTJLus. [B.C. 750. 

Annexation of more cities. Women eummonad. 

A small temple was erected expressly to re- 
eeive them. This temple was very small, be- 
ing but five feet wide and ten feet long. 

A short time after these transactions two 
other cities were incorporated into the Roman 
state. The name of these cities were Criistu 
menium and Antemnse. Some women from 
these cities had been seized at Rome when 
the Sabine women were taken, and the inhab- 
itants had been ever since that period medi- 
tating plans of revenge. They were not 
strong enough to wage open war against 
Romulus, but they began at last to make hos- 
tile incursions into the Roman territories bv 
means of such small bands of armed men as 
they had the means of raising. Romulus im- 
mediately organized bodies of troops sufiicient 
for the purpose, and then suddenly, and, as it 
would seem, without giving the kings of these 
cities any previous warning, he aj)peared be- 
fore the walls and captured the cities before 
the inhabitants had time to recover from their 
consternation. 

He then sent to all the w^omen in Rome 
who had formerly belonged to these cities, 
summoning them to appear before him at his 
public place of audience in the city, and in 



E.G. 750.] The Sabine Wak. '277 

The address of Romulus. His promises. 

the presence of the Roman Senate. The 
women were exceedingly terrified at receiv- 
ing this smnmons. They supposed that death 
or some other terrible punishment, was to bo 
inflicted npon them in retribution for the of- 
fenses committed by their countrymen, and 
they came into the senate-house, hiding their 
faces in their robes, and crying out with grief 
and terror. Romulus bid them calm their 
fears, assuring them that he intended them 
no injury. "Your countrymen," said he, 
" preferred war to the peaceful alternative 
of friendship and alliance which we offered 
them ; and the fortune of war to which they 
thus chose to appeal, has decided against 
them. They have now fallen into our hands, 
and are wholly at our mercy. We do not, 
however, mean to do them any harm. We 
spare and forgive them for your sakes. "We 
intend to invite them to come and live with 
us and with you at Rome, so that you can 
once more experience the happiness of being 
joined to your fathers and brothers as well as 
your husbands. We shall not destroy or even 
injure their cities ; but shall send some of our 
own citizens to people them, so that they may 
become fully incorporated into the Eomau 



278 EoMULus. [B.C. 750.. 

Generous policy pursued by Romulus. Enlargement of tho city. 

commonwealth. Thus, your fathers and broth- 
ers, and all yom^ countrymen, receive the 
boon of life, liberty, and happiness through 
jon ; and all that we ask of you in return, is 
that you wdll continue your conjugal affection 
and fidelity to your Roman husbands, and 
seek to promote the harmony and happiness 
of the city by every means in your power." 

Of course such transactions as these attract- 
ed great attention throughout the country, and 
both the valor with which Eomulus encoun- 
tered his enemies while they resisted and op- 
posed him, and the generosity with which he 
admitted them to an honorable alliance wdth 
him w^hen they were reduced to submission, 
were universally applauded. In fact, there 
began to be formed a strong public sentiment 
in favor of the new colony, and the influx to 
it of individual adventurers, from all parts of 
the country, rapidly increased. In one in- 
stance a famous chieftain named Cselius, a 
general of the Etrurians who lived north of 
the Tiber, brought over the whole army under 
his command in a body, to join the new colony. 
"New and special arrangements were necessary 
to be made at Eome for receiving so sudden 
and so large an accession to the numbers of 



B.C. 750.] The Sabine Wak. 279 

Plans of the Sabiues. They mature their preparations. 

the people, and accordingly a new eminence, 
one which had been hitherto without the city, 
was now inclosed, and brought within the 
poemerium. This hill received the name of 
Cseliiis, from the general whose army occupied 
it. The city was extended too at the same 
time on the other side toward the Tiber. The 
walls were continued down to the very bank 
of the river, and thence carried along the 
bank so as to present a continued defense on 
that side, except at one place where there was 
a great gate leading to the water. 

During all this time, however, the Sabines 
still cherished the spirit of resentment and 
hostility, and instead of being conciliated by 
the forbearance and generosity of the Ro- 
mans, were only excited to greater jealousy 
and ill-wdll at witnessing the proofs of their 
increasing influence and power. They em- 
ployed themselves in maturing their plans for 
a grand onset against the new colony, and 
with the intention to make the blow which 
they were about to strike effectual and final, 
they took time to arrange their preparations 
on the most extensive scale, and to mature 
them in the most deliberate and thorough 
manner. They enlisted troops ; they collected 



280 EoMTJLrs. [B.C. 748. 

Preparations of the Romans,. Titus Tatius, 

stores of provisions and munitions of war* 
they formed alliances with snch states Ijirg 
beyond them as they conld draw into their 
quarrel ; and finally, when all things were 
ready, they assembled their forces upon the 
frontier, and prepared for the onset. The 
name of the general w^ho was placed in com 
mand of this mighty host was Titus Tatius. 

In the mean time, Romulus and the people 
of the city were equally busy in making 
preparations for defense. They procured and 
laid up in magazines, great stores of provi- 
sions for the use of the city. They strength- 
ened and extended the walls, and built new 
ramparts and towers wherever they were 
needed. ITumitor rendered very essential aid 
to his grandson in these preparations. He 
sent supplies of weapons to him for the use of 
the men, and furnished various military en- 
gines, such as w^ere used in those times in the 
attack and defense of besieged cities. In 
fact, the preparations on both sides were of 
llie most extensive character, and seemed to 
portend a very resolute and determined con- 
test. 

When all things were thus ready, the Sa- 
bines, before actually striking the blow for 



B.C. 748.] The Sabine War. 281 

I'inal negotiations. The Roman herdsmen. 



which they had been so long and so deliber- 
ately preparing, concluded to send one more 
final embassy to Romulus, to demand the sur- 
render of the women. This was of course only 
a njatter of form, as they must have known 
well from what had already passed that Rom- 
ulus would not now yield to such a proposal. 
lie did not yield. He sent back word in an- 
swer to their demand, that the Sabine women 
were all well settled in Home, and were con- 
tented and happy there with their husbands 
and friends, and that he could not think now 
of disturbing them. This answer having been 
received, the Sabines prepared for the onset. 
There w^as a certain tract of country sur- 
rounding Home which belonged to the people 
of the city, and was cultivated by them. This 
land was used partly for tillage and partly 
for the pasturage of cattle, but principally for 
the latter, as the rearing of flocks and herds 
was, for various reasons, a more advantageous 
mode of procuring food for man in those 
ancient days than the culture of the ground. 
The rural population, therefore, of the Roman 
territory consisted chiefly of herdsmen ; and 
when the approaching danger from the Sa- 
bines became imminent, Romulus called all 



282 KoMULus. [B.C. 748, 

Flocks and herds called iu. The citadel. Tarpeia. 

these herdsmen in, and required the flocks of 
eiieep and the herds of cattle to be driven to 
the rear of the citj, and shut up in an in- 
closure there, where thej could be more 
easily defended. Thus the Sabine army found, 
when they were ready to cross the frontier, 
that the Roman territory, on that side, was 
deserted and solitary ; and that there was 
nothing to oppose them in advancing across 
it almost to the very gates of Rome. 

They advanced accordingly, and when they 
came near to the city they found that Romulus 
had taken possession of two hills without the 
walls, w^here he had entrenched himself in 
great force. These two hills were named the 
Esquiline and Quirinal hills. The city itself 
included two other hills, namely, the Palatine 
and the Capitoline. The Capitoline hill was 
the one on which the asylum had formerly 
been built, and it was now the citadel. The 
citadel was surromided on all parts with ram- 
parts and towers which overlooked and com- 
manded all the neighboring country. The 
command of this fortress was given to Tar- 
peius, a noble Roman. He had a daughter 
named Tarpeia, w^hose name afterward be- 
came greatly celebrated in history, on account 



U.C.7^8.] The Saeine Wae. 283 

The Campus Martins. Parley with Tarpeia. 

of the part which she took in the events of 
this siege, as will presently appear. 

At the foot of the Capitoline hill, and on 
the western side of it, that is, the side away 
from the city, there was a spacious plain 
vrhich was afterward included within the 
limits of the city, and used as a parade-ground, 
under the name of Campus Martins, which 
words mean the "War Field." This field 
was now, however, an open plain, and the 
Sabine army advancing to it, encamped upon 
it. The Sabine forces were much more nu- 
merous than those of the Romans, but the 
latter were so well guarded and protected by 
their walls and fortifications, that Titus Tatius 
saw no feasible way of attacking them with 
any prospect of success. At last, one day as 
some of his ofiicers were walking around the 
Capitoline hill, looking at the walls of the 
citadel, Tarpeia came to one of the gates, 
which was in a retired and solitary position, 
and entered into a parley with the men. The 
story of what followed is variously related by 
different historians, and it is now difficult to 
ascertain the actual truth respecting it. T^ie 
account generally received is this : — 

Tarpeia had observed the soldiers from the 



'284 



Romulus. 



Agreement made with Tarpeia. 



walls, and lier attention had teen attracted 
by the bracelets and rings which they wore ; 
and she finally made an agreement with the 
Sabines that she would open the postern gate 
in the night, and let them in, if they would 
give her what they wore upon their arms, 
meaning the ornaments which had attracted 
her attention. The Sabines bound themselves 
to do this and then went away. Titius Tatius, 
accordingly, when informed of this arrange- 




^>i££.^^.MK^ 



Promising the Bracelets. 



B.C. 747.] The Sabine Wae. 285 

Tho Sabines admitted. Tarpeia killed. 

ment, detailed a strong detachment of troops, 
and gave them orders to repair at night in a 
very silent and secret manner to the gate 
which had been designated as the place where 
they were to be let in. It is asserted, how- 
ever, by some writers, that this apparent 
treachery on the part of Tarpeia was only a 
deep-laid stratagem on her part to draw the 
Sabines into a snare ; and that she sent word 
to Komulus, informing him of the agreement 
which she had made, in order that he might 
secretly dispatch a strong force to take their 
position at the gate, and intercept and cap- 
tm-e the Sabine party as soon as they should 
come in. But if this was Tarpeia's design, it 
totally failed. The Sabines, when they came 
at midnight to the postern gate which Tarpeia 
opened for them, came in sufficient force to 
bear down all opposition ; and in fulfillment 
of their promise to give Tarpeia what they 
wore upon their arms they threw their heavy 
bucklers uj)on her until she was crushed down 
beneath the weight of them and killed. 

A steep rock which forms that side of the 
Capitoline hill is called the Tarj^eitin rock, in 
memory of this maiden, to the present day. 

In this way the Sabines gained possession 



286 EoMCTLus. [B.C. 747. 

The two armies meet on the plain. 

of the citadel, though Romulus still held the 
main citj. The Komans were of course ex- 
tremely disconcerted at the loss of the citadel, 
and Romulus, finding that the danger was 
now extremely imminent, resolved no longer 
to stand on the defensive, but to come out 
upon the plain and offer the Sabines battle. 
He accordingly brought his forces out of the 
city and took up a strong position with them, 
between the Capitoline and Palatine hills, 
with his front toward the Campus Martins, 
where the main body of the Sabines were 
posted. Thus the armies were confronted 
against each other on the plain, the Romans 
holding the city and the Palatine hill as a 
stronghold to retreat to in case of necessity, 
while the Sabines in the same manner could 
seek refuge on the Capitoline hill and in the 
Citadel. 

Things being in this state a series of desper- 
ate but partial contests ensued, which were 
continued for several days, when at length a 
general battle came on. During all this time 
the walls of the city and of the citadel were 
lined with spectators who had ascended to 
witness the combats ; for from these walls 
and from the declivities of the hills, the whole 



0.0.747.] The Sabine AYae. 287 

A truce to bury the dead. Fresh tombata. 

plain could be looked down upon as if it were 
a map. The battle continued all day. At 
night both parties were exhausted, and tho 
field was covered with the dead and djing, 
but neither side had gained the victory. The 
next day by common consent they suspended 
the combat in order to take care of the 
wounded, and to bury the bodies of the dead. 
After the interval of a day, which was 
spent, on both sides, in removing the horrid 
relics of the j)revious combats, and in gather- 
ing fresh strength and fresh desperation and 
rage for the conflicts yet to come, the struggle 
was renewed. The soldiers fought now, on 
this renewal of the battle, with more dreadful 
and deadly ferocity than ever. Yarious inci- 
dents occurred during the day to give one 
party or the other a local or temporary ad- 
vantage, but neither side wholly prevailed. 
At one time Komulus himself was exposed to 
the most imminent personal danger, and for 
a time it was thought that he was actually 
killed. The Romans had gained some great 
advantage over a party of the Sabines, and 
the latter were rushing in a headlong flight, 
to the citadel, the Romans pursuing them and 
Loping to follow them in, in the confusion, 



288 E OMUL us. [B.C.T4T. 

Romulus in great personal danger. 

and thus regain possession of the fortress. To 
prevent this the Sabines within the citadel 
and on the rocks above threw stones down 
upon the Komans. One of these stones struck 
Romulus on the head, and he fell down 
stunned and senseless under the blow. His 
men were extremely terrified at this disaster, 
and abandoning the pursuit of their enemies 
the J took np the body of Romulus and car- 
ried it into the city. It was found, however, 
that he was not seriously injured. He soon 
recovered from the eifects of the blow and re 
, turned into the battle. 

Another incident which occurred in the 
course of these battles has been commemo- 
rated in history, by having been the means of 
giving a name to a small lake or pool which 
was afterward brought within the limits of 
the city. A Sabine general named Curtius 
happened at one time to encounter Romulus 
in a certain part of the field, and a long and 
desperate combat ensued between the two 
champions. Other soldiers gradually came 
up and mingled in the fray, until at length 
Curtius, finding himself wounded and bleed- 
ing, and surrounded by enemies, fled for hia 
life . Romulus pursued him for a short dis- 



B.C. 746.] The Sabine War. 289 

The story of Curtius. The lake. 

tance, but Curtiiis at length came suddenly 
upon a small swampy pool, which was formed 
of water that had been left by the inundations 
of the river in some old deserted channel, 
ajid which was now covered and almost con- 
cealed by some sort of mossy and floating 
vegetation. Curtius running headlong, and 
paying little heed to his steps fell into this 
hole, and sank in the water. Komulus sup- 
posed of course that he would be drowned 
there, and so turned away and went to find 
some other enemy. Curtius, however, suc- 
ceeded in crawling out of the pond into which 
he had fallen ; and in commemoration of the 
incident the pond was named Lake Curtius, 
which name it retained for centuries after- 
ward, when, not only had all the water dis- 
appeared, but the place itself had been filled 
up, and had been covered with streets and 
houses. 

The combats between the Romans and the 
Sabines were continued for several days, 
during all which time the Sabine women, on 
whose account it was that this dreadful quai'- 
rel had arisen, were suffering the greatest 
anxiety and distress. They loved their fathers 
and brothers, but then they loved their hiis- 

T 



290 E o M u L u s. [B.C, 746 

Distress of the Sabine women. Their perplexity. 

bands too ; and they were overwhelmed with 
anguish at the thought that day after day 
those who were equally dear to them were 
engaged in lighting and destroying one an- 
other, and that they could do nothing to ar 
rest so unnatural a hostility. 

At length, however, after suffering extreme 
distress for many days, a crisis arrived when 
they found that they could interpose. Both 
parties had become somewhat weary of the 
contest. ^Neither could prevail over the other, 
and yet neither was v/illing to yield. The 
Sabines could not bring themselves to submit 
to so humiliating an alternative as to with- 
draw from Home and leave their daughters 
and sisters in the captors' hands, after all the 
grand preparations which they had made for 
retaking them. And on the other hand the 
Homans could not take those, who, whatever 
had been their previous history, were now liv- 
ing happily as wives and mothers, each in her 
own house in the city, and give them up to 
an army of invaders, demanding them with 
threats and violence, without deep dishonor. 
Thus, though there was a pause in the conflict, 
and both parties were weary of it, neither 
:vas willing to yield, and both were preparing 



B.C. 746.] The Sabine War. 291 

The plan of Hersilia. The women admitted to the senate houae. 

to return to the struggle with new determina- 
tion and vigor. 

The Sabine women thought that they might 
now Interpose. A lady named Hersilia, who 
is often mentioned as one of the most promi- 
nent among the number, proposed this meas- 
ure and made the arrangements for carrying 
it into effect. She assembled her country- 
women and explained to them her plan, 
which was that they should go in a body to 
the Roman Senate, and ask permission to in- 
tercede between the contending nations, and 
plead for peace. 

The company of women, taking their chil- 
dren with them, all of whom were yet very 
young, went accordingly in a body to the 
senate-chamber, and asked to be admitted. 
The doors were opened to them, and they 
went in. They all appeared to be in gi'eat 
distress and agitation. The grief and anxi- 
ety which they had suffered during the pro- 
gress of the war still continued, and they 
begged the Senate to let them go out to the 
camp of the Sabines, and endeavor to per- 
suade them to make peace. The Senate were 
disposed to consent. The women wished to 
take their children with them, but some of 



292 EoMULus. I B.C. 74:6 

Arrangements for the intercession of the women. 

the Romans imagined tliat there might, per- 
haps, be danger, that under pretense of inter 
ceding for peace, thej were really intending 
to make their escape from Kome altogether. 
So it was insisted that they should leave their 
children behind them as hostages for their re- 
turn, excepting that such as had two children 
were allowed to take one, which plan it was 
thought would aid them in moving the com- 
passion of their Sabine relatives. 

The women, accordingly, left the senate- 
chamber, and with their children in their 
arms, their hair disheveled, their robes dis- 
ordered, and their countenances wan with 
grief, went in mournful procession out 
through the gate of the city. They passed 
across the plain and advanced toward the 
citadel. They were admitted, and after some 
delay, were ushered into the council of the 
Sabines. Here their tears and exclamations 
of grief broke forth anew. When silence was 
in some measure restored, Hersilia addressed 
the Sabine chieftains, saying, that she and 
her companions had come to beg their coun- 
trymen to put an end to the war. " We know," 
said she, " that you are waging it on our ac- 
count, and Ave see in all that you have done 



B.C.74:6.] The Sabine War. 293 

The address of Ilersilia. EflTect of ii 

proofs of your love for ns. In fact, it was our 
supposed interests wliicli led you to com- 
mence it, but now our real interests require 
that it should be ended. It is true that when 
we were first seized by the Romans we felt 
greatly wronged, but having submitted to our 
fate, we have now become settled in our new 
homes, and are contented and happy in them. 
We love our husbands and love our children ; 
and we are treated with the utmost kindness 
and respect by all. Do not then, under a 
mistaken kindness for us, attempt to tear us 
away again, or continue this dreadful war, 
which, though ostensibly on our account, and 
for our benefit, is really making us inexpres- 
sibly miserable." 

This intercession j)roduced the effect which 
might have been expected from it. The Sa- 
bines and Romans immediately entered upon 
negotiations for peace, and peace is easily 
made where both parties are honestly desirous 
of making it. In fact, a great reaction took 
place, so that from the reckless and desperate 
hostility which the two nations had felt for 
each other, there succeeded so friendly a sen- 
timent, that in the end a treaty of union was 
made between the two nations. It was ao:reod 



294 KoMULTS. [B.C. 746. 

Conditions and terms of peace. 

that the two nations should be merged into 
one. The Sabine territory was to be annexed 
to that of Home, and Titus Tatius, with the 
principal Sabine chieftains, were to remove 
to Rome, which was thenceforth to be the 
capital of the new kingdom. In a word, 
never was a reconciliation between two bel- 
ligerent nations so sudden and so complete. 



B.0. 764.] The Conclusion. 295 

Romulus reigns in conjunction with the Sabine king. 



Chapter XIII. 

The Conclusion. 

A FTER the termination of the Sabine war, 
-^-^ Romulus continued to reign many years, 
and his reign, although no very exact and sys- 
tematic history of it was recorded at the time, 
seems to liave presented the usual variety of 
incidents and vicissitudes ; and yet, notwith 
standing occasional and partial reverses, the 
cit}^, and the kingdom connected with it, made 
rapid progress in wealth and population. 

For four or five years after the union of the 
Sabines with the Eomans, Titus Tatius w^as in 
some way or other associated with Romulus 
in the government of the united kingdom. 
Romulus, during all this time, had his house 
and his court on the Palatine hill, where the 
city had been originally built, and where most 
of the Romans lived. The head-quarters of 
the Sabine chieftain were, on the other hand, 
upon the Capitoline hill, which was the place 
on which the citadel w^as situated that his 
tramps had taken possession of in the course 



296 EoMULus. [B.C. 741. 

The Roman Forum. (Growth of the citj'. 

of the war, and which it seems they continued 
to occupy after the peace. The space between 
the two hills was set apart as a market-place, 
oxforum^ as it was called in their language, 
— that place being designated for the j)urpose 
on account of its central and convenient sit- 
uation. "When afterward that portion of the 
city became filled as it did with magnificent 
streets and imposing architectural edifices, 
the space which Romulus had set apart for a 
market remained an open public square, and 
as it was the scene in which transpired some 
of the most remarkable events connected with 
Roman history, it became renowned through- 
out the world under the name of the Roman 
Forum. 

In consequence of the union of the Romans 
and the Sabines, and of the rapid growth of 
the city in population and power which fol- 
lowed, the Roman state began soon to rise to 
so high a position in relation to the surround 
ing cities and kingdoms, as soon to take prece 
dence of them altogether. This was owin^ ^ 
however, in part undoubtedly, to the character 
of the men who governed at Rome. The 
measures which they adopted in founding the 
city, and in sustaining it through the first 



B.C.Y41.] The Concltjsion. 297 

Bold and comprehensive measures. Cameria. 

years of its existence, as described in the fore- 
going chapters, were all of a very extraordi- 
nary character, and evinced very extraordinary 
(qualities in the men who devised them. These 
measures were bold, comprehensive and saga- 
cious, and they were carried out with a certain 
combination of courage and magnanimity 
which always gives to those who possess it, 
and who are in a position to exercise it on a 
commanding scale, great ascendency over the 
minds of men. They who possess these quali- 
ties generally feel their power, and are usually 
not slow to assert it. A singular and striking 
instance of this occurred not manj^ years after 
the peace with the Sabines. There was a city 
at some distance from Home called Cameria, 
whose inhabitants were a lawless horde, and 
occasionally parties of them made incursions, 
as was said, into the surrounding countries, 
for plunder. The Roman Senate sent word to 
the government of the city that such accusa- 
tions were made against them, and very coolly 
cited tliem to appear at Rome for trial. The 
Camerians of course refused to come. The 
Senate then declared war against them, and 
sent an army to take possession of the city, 
proceeding to act in the case precisely as if 



i98 HoMULus. [B.0. 741 

Difficulty with Titus Tatius. 

the Roman government constituted a judicial 
tribunal, having authority to exercise jurisdic- 
tion, and to enforce law and order, among all 
the nations around them. In fact, Rome con- 
tinued to assert and to maintain this authority 
over a wider and wider circle every year, until 
in the course of some centuries after Romu- 
lus's day, she made herself the arbiter of the 
world. 

Titius Tatius shared the supreme power 
with Romulus at Rome for several years, and 
the two monarchs continued during this time 
to exercise their joint power in a much more 
harmonious manner than Avould have been 
supposed possible. At length, however, causes 
of disagreement began to occur, and in the 
end open dissension took place, in the course 
of which Tatius came to his end in a very 
sudden and remarkable manner. A party of 
soldiers from Rome, it seems, had been com 
mitting some deed of violence at Lavinium, 
the ancient city which ^neas had built when 
he first arrived in Latium. The people of 
Lavinium complained to Romulus against 
these marauders. It happened, however, that 
the guilty men were chiefly Sabines, and in 
*he discussions which took place at Roma 



B.C. 741.] The Cokclusion. 299 

Controversy between Romulus and Tatius. 



afterward in relation to the affair, Tatius took 
their part, and endeavored to shield them, 
while Romulus seemed disposed to give them 
up to the Lavinians for punishment. " They 
are robbers and murderers," said Romulus, 
" and we ought not to shield them from the 
penalty due to their crimes." "They are 
Roman citizens," said Tatius, " and we must 
not give them up to a foreign state." The 
controversy became w^arm ; parties were form- 
ed ; and at last the exasj)eration became so 
great that when the Lavinian envoys, who 
had come to Rome to demand the punishment 
of the robbers, were returning home, a gang 
of Tatius's men intercepted them on the way 
and killed them. 

This of course increased the excitement and 
the difficulty in a tenfold degree. Romulus 
immediately sent to Lavinium to express his 
deep regret at w^hat had occurred, and his 
readiness to do every thing in his power to 
expiate the offense which his countrymen had 
committed. He would arrest these murder- 
ers, he said, and send them to Lavinium, and 
he would come himself, with Tatius, to Lavin- 
ium, and there make an expiatory offering to 
the gods, in attestation of the abhorrence 



SOO KoMuius. [B.C. 741 

The difficulty at Laviniuin. Tatius killed. 

which they both felt for so atrocious a crime 
as waylaying and murdering the embassadors 
of a friendly city. Tatius was compelled to 
assent to these measures, though he yielded 
very reluctantly. He could not openly de- 
fend such a deed as the murder of the envoys ; 
and so he consented to accompany Romulus 
to Lavinium, to make the offering, but he 
secretly arranged a plan for rescuing the mur- 
derers from the Lavinians, after they had been 
given up. Accordingly, while he and Rom- 
ulus were at Lavinium offering the sacrifices, 
news came that the murderers of the envoys, 
on their way from Rome to Lavinium, had 
been rescued and allowed to escape. This 
new^s so exasperated the people of Lavinium 
against Tatius, for they considered him as un- 
questionably the secret author and contriver 
of the deed, that they rose upon him at the 
festival, and murdered him with the butcher 
knives and spits w^hich had been used for 
slaughtering and roasting the animals. They 
then formed a grand procession and escorted 
Romulus out of the city in safety, with loud 
acclamations. 

The government of Lavinium, as soon as 
the e"':citement of the scene was over, fearing 



B.C. 741.] The Conclusion. SOI 



Romulus once more sole king. 



the resentment which they very naturally 
supposed Komulus would feel at the murder 
c.f his colleague, seized the ringleaders of the 
riot, and sent them bound to Rome, to place 
them at the disposal of the Roman govern 
ment. Romulus sent them back unharmed, 
directing them to say to the Lavinian govern- 
ment, that he considered the death of Tatius, 
though inflicted in a mode lawless and imjus- 
tifiable, as nevertheless, in itself, only a just 
expiation for the murder of the Lavinian em- 
bassadors, which Tatius had instis^ated or 
authorized. 

The Sabines of Rome were for a time 
greatly exasperated at these occurrences, but 
Romulus succeeded in gradually quieting and 
calming them, and they finally acquiesced in 
his decision. Romulus thus became onco 
more the sole and undisputed master of Rome. 

After this the progress of the city in wealth 
and prosperity, from year to year, was steady 
and sure, interrupted, it is true, by occasional 
and temporary reverses, but with no real ret- 
rocession at any time. Causes of disagree- 
ment arose from time to time with neighboring 
states, and, in such cases, Romulus always 
tirst sent a summons to the party implicated, 



302 EoMULus. [B.C. 730. 

Rome assumes a general jurisdiction over other states. 

whether king or people, citing them to appear 
and answer for their conduct before the Ro- 
man Senate. If thej refused to come, he sent 
an armed force against them, as if he were 
simply enforcing the jurisdiction of a tribunal 
of justice. The result usually was that the 
refractory state was compelled to submit, and 
its territories were added to those of the king- 
dom of Rome. Thus the boundaries of the 
new empire were widening and extending; 
every year. 

Romulus paid great attention, in the mean 
time, to every thing pertaining to the internal 
organization of the state, so as to bring every 
part of the national administration into the 
best possible condition. The municipal po- 
lice, the tribunals of justice, the social insti- 
tutions and laws of the industrial classes, the 
discipline of the troops, the enlargement and 
increase of the fortifications of the city, and 
the supply of arms, and stores, and munitions 
of war, — and every other subject, in fact, 
connected with the welfare and prosperity of 
the city, — occupied his thoughts in every in 
terval of peace and tranquillity. In conse- 
quence of the exertions which he made, and 
the measures which he adopted, order and 



RC.Tir.J The Conclusion. 303 

Foundation of the future greatness of Roine. 

gjstem prevailed more and more in every de- 
partment, and the community became every 
year better organized, and more and more 
consolidated ; so that the capacity of the city 
to receive accessions to the population in- 
creased even faster than accessions were 
made. In a word, the solid foundations were 
laid of that vast superstructure, which, in 
subsequent ages, became the wonder of the 
world. 

Notwithstanding, however, all this increas- 
ing greatness and prosperity, Romulus was 
not without rivals and enemies, even among 
his own people at Rome. The leading sena- 
tors became, at last, envious and jealous of 
his power. They said that he himself grew 
imperious and domineering in spirit, as he 
grew older, and manifested a pride and 
haughtiness of demeanor which excited their 
ill-will. He assumed too much authority, 
they said, in the management of public af- 
fairs, as if he were an absolute and despotic 
sovereign. He wore a ^^nrple robe on 23ublic 
occasions, as a badge of royalty. He oj'gan- 
ized a body-guard of three hundred young 
troopers, who rode before him whenever he 
moved about the city ; and in all respectw 



804 KoMULus. [B.C. 717. 

Circumstances connected with the death of Romulus. 

assumed such pomp and parade in his de- 
meanor, and exercised such a degree of arbi- 
trary power in his acts, as made him many 
enemies. The whole Senate became, at length, 
greatly disaffected. 

At last one day, on occasion of a great re- 
view which took place at a little distance from 
the city, there came up a sudden shower, at- 
tended with thunder and lightning, and the 
violence of the tempest was such as to compel 
the soldiers to retire precipitately from the 
ground in search of some place of shelter. 
Romulus was left with a number of senators 
who were at that time attending upon him, 
alone, on the shore of a little lake which was 
near the place that had been chosen for the 
parade. After a short time the senators 
themselves came away from the ground, and 
returned to the city; but Romulus was not 
with them. The story which they told was 
that in the middle of the tempest, Romulus 
had been suddenly enveloped in a flame 
which seemed to come down in a bright flash 
of lightning from the clouds, and immediately 
afterward had been taken up in the flame to 
heaven. 

This strange story was but half believed 



13.0.717.] The Conclusion. ' 307 

Rumors in circulation. Public opinion. 

even at first, by tlie people, and very soon 
rumors began to circulate in the city tliat 
Komulus had been murdered by the senators 
who were around bim at tbe time of the 
si lower, — they having seized the occasion af- 
forded by the momentary absence of his 
guards, and by their solitary position. There 
were various surmises in respect to the dis- 
posal which the assassins had made of thq 
body. The most obvious supposition was 
that it had been sunk in the Lake. There 
was, however, a horrible report circulated 
that the senators had disposed of it by cut- 
ting it up into small pieces, and conveying 
it away, each taking a portion, under their 
robes. 

Of course these rumors produced great agi 
tation and excitement throughout the city 
The current of public sentiment set strongly 
against the senators. Still as nothing could 
be positively ascertained in respect to the 
transaction, the mystery seemed to grow more 
dark and dreadful every day, and the public 
mind was becoming more and more deeply 
agitated. At length, however, the mystery 
was suddenly explained by a revelation, 
which, whatever may be thought of it at the 



308 KoMULUs. [B.C. 717. 

Pfoculus'8 Story. 'i'ho ghost of j;rtuiu]us. 

present day, was then entirely GatisiVK;t.9ry to 
tlie whole community. 

One of the most prominent an ? •.■'\^tAn, 
guished of the senators, named Proculus, one 
who it seems had not been present among the 
other senators in attendance upon Romulus at 
the time when he disappeared, came forward 
one day before a grand assembly which had 
been convened for the purpose, and an- 
nounced to them in the most solemn manner, 
that the spirit of Romulus had appeared to 
him in a visible form, and had assured him 
that the story which the other senators had 
told of the ascension of their chieftain to 
heaven in a flame of fire was really true. " I 
v/as journeying," said Proculus, " in a solitary 
place, when Romulus appeared to me. At 
first I was exceedingly terrified. The form 
of the vision was taller than that of a mortal 
man, and it was clothed in armor of the most 
resplendent brightness. As soon as I had in 
some measure recovered my composure I 
spoke to it. 'Why,' said I, ' have you left us 
so suddenly? and especially why did you 
leave us at such a time, and in such a way, as 
to bring suspicion and reproach on the Roman 
eoij'-^.Vors'^' 'I left you,' said he, 'because it 



B.C. 717.] The Conclusion. 309 

The Romans satisfied. The real truth not to be known. 

pleased the gods to call me back again to 
|]caven, whence I originally came. It was no 
longer necessary for me to remain on earth, 
for Home is now established, and her future 
greatness and glory are sure. Go back to 
Rome and communicate this to the people. 
Tell them that if they continue industrious, 
virtuous, and brave, the time will come when 
their city will be the mistress of the world ; 
and that I, no longer its king, am henceforth 
to be its tutelar divinity.' " 

The people of Rome were overjoyed to hear 
this communication. Their doubts and suspi- 
cions were now all removed ; the senators at 
once recovered their good standing in the 
public regard, ana ail was once more peace 
and harmony. Altars were immediately 
erected to Romulus, and the whole poj)ulation 
of the city joined in making sacrifices and in 
paying other divine honors to his memory. 

The declaration of Proculus thfi he had 
seen the spirit of Romulus, and his report of/ 
the conversation which the spirit had address- 
ed to him, constituted proof of the highest 
kind, according to the ideas which prevailed 
in those ancient days. In modern times, how- 
ever, there is no faith in such a story, and t^e 



310 KoMULTjs. [B.C. 717. 

The interregnum. A new king. 

truth in respect to the end of Romnlus can 
now never be known. 

After the death of Romulus the senators 
undertook to govern the State themselves, 
holding the supreme power one by one, in 
regular rotation. This plan was, however, not 
found to succeed, and after an interregnum 
of about a year, the people elected another 
kin^. 



Th.i; E^d. 



BOOKS BY THE ABBOTTS. 



THE FRANCONIA STORIES. 

By Jacob Abbott. In Ten Volumes. Beautifully Illu» 
trated. 16mo, Cloth, 90 cents per Vol. ; the set complete, 
in case, $9 00. 



1. 


Malleville. 


6. 


Stuyvesant. 


2, 


Mary Bell. 


7. 


Agnes. 


3. 


Ellen Linu. 


8. 


Mary Erskine. 


4. 


"Wallace. 


9. 


Rodolphus. 


5. 


Beechnut. 


10. 


Caroline. 



MARCO PAUL SERIES. 

Marco Paul's Voyages and Travels in tlie Pursuit of 
Knowledge. By Jacob Abbott. Beautifully Illustrated. 
Complete in 6 Volumes, 16mo, Cloth, 90 cents per Volume. 
Price of the set, in case, $5 40. 

In New York. In Boston. 

On the Erie Canal. At the Springfield Arm« 

In the Forests of Maine. ory. 

In Vermont. 



RAmBOff AND LUCKY SERIES. 

By Jacob Abbott. Beautifully Illustrated. ICmo, 
Cloth, 90 cents each. The set complete, in case, $4 50. 

Handle. Selling Lucky. 

Rainbow's Journey. Up the River. 

The Three Pines. 



YOma CPIRISTIAN SERIES. 

By Jacob Abbott. In Four Volumes. Richly Illus- 
trated with Engravings, and Beautifully Bound. 12mo, 
Cloth, $1 75 per Vol. The set complete, Cloth, $7 00; in 
Half Calf, ^14 00. 

1. The Young Christian. 

2. The Corner Stone. 

3. The Way to Do Good. 

4. Hoaryhead and M'Donner. 



Books by the Abbotts. 



HARPER'S STORY BOOKS. 

A Series of Narratives, Biographies, and Tales, for the In- 
struction and Entertainment of the Young. By Jacob Ab- 
bott. Embellished with more than One Thousand beauti- 
ful Engravings. Square 4to, complete in 12 large Volumes^ 
( r 86 small ones. 

" Haepee's Story Books" can be obtaiued complete in Twelve 
Volumes, bound in blue and gold, each oue contaiuing Three Sto- 
ries, for $21 00, or in Thirty-six thin Volumes, bound in crimson and 
gold, each containing One Story, for $32 40. The volumes may be 
had separately— the large ones at $1 75 each, the others at 00 cents 
each. 

VOL. I. 

BRUNO ; or, Lessons of Fidelity, Patience, and Self-De- 

nial Taught by a Dog. 
WILLIE AND THE MORTG-AGE : showing Uo\y 

Much may be Accomplished by a Boy. 
THE STRAIT GATE ; or, The Rule of Exclusion from 

Heaven. 

VOL. II. 
THE LITTLE LOUVRE; or, The Boys' and Girls' 

Picture-Gallery. 
PRANK ; or. The Philosophy of Tricks and Mischief. 
EMMA ; or, The Three Misfortunes of a Belle. 

VOL. III. 

VIRGINIA ; or, A Little Light on a Very Dark Saying. 

TIMBOO AND JOLIBA ; or. The Art of Being Useful. 

TIMBOO AND FANNY; or, The Art of Self-Instruc- 
tion. 

VOL. IV. 

THE HARPER ESTABLISHMENT ; or. How the 
Story Books are Made. 

FRANKLIN, the Apprentice-Boy. 

THE STUDIO ; or, Illustrations of the Theory and Prac- 
tice of Drawing, for Young Artists at Home. 

VOL. V. 
THE STORY OF ANCIENT HISTORY, from the 

Earliest Periods to the Fall of the Roman Empire. 
THE STORY OP ENGLISH HISTORY, from the 

Earliest Periods to the American Revolution. 
THE STORY OF AMERICAN HISTORY, from 

the Eai'liest Settlement of the Country to the Establish' 

ment of the Federal Constitution. 



Bools by the Abbotts. 



VOL. VI. 
JOHN TRUE ; or, The Christian Experience of an Hon- 
est Bov. 
ELFRED ; or, Tlie Blind Boy and his Pictures. 
THE MUSEUM ; or, Curiosities Explained. 

VOL. VII. 
THE ENGINEER ; or, How to Travel in the Woods. 
RAMBLES AMONG THE ALPS. 
THE THREE GOLD DOLLARS ; or, An Account ot 
the Adventures of Robin Green. 

VOL. VIII. 
THE GIBRALTAR GALLERY: being an Account 

of various Things both Curious and Useful. 
THE ALCOVE : containing some Farther Account of 

Timboo, IMark, and Fanny. 
DIALOGUES for the Amusement and Instruction of 

Young Persons. 

VOL. IX. 
THE GREAT ELM ; or, Robin Green and Josiah Lane 

at School. 
AUNT MARGARET ; or, How John True kept his 

Resolutions. 
VERNON ; or, Conversations about Old Times in England. 

VOL. X. 
CARL AND JOCKO; or. The Ad^•«ntures of the Little 

Italian Boy and his Monkey. 
LAPSTONE; or, The Sailor turned Shoemaker. 
ORKNEY, THE PEACEMAKER; or. The Viirious 

Ways of Settling Disputes. 

VOL. XL 
JUDGE JUSTIN; or. The Little Court of Morningdale. 
MINIGO ; or. The Fairy of Cairnstone Abbey. 
JASPER ; or, The Spoiled Child Recovered. 

VOL. XII. 
CONGO ; or, Jasper's Experience in Command. 
VIOLA and her Little Brother Arno. 
LITTLE PAUL ; or. How to be Patient in Sickness and 
Pain. 

Some of the Story Books are written particularly for girls, and 
pome for Boys, and the different Volumes are adapted to various 
aires, so that the work forms a Complete Library of Stovy Books fol 
all the Children of the Family and the Sunday-School. 



Books hy the Abbotts. 



ABBOTTS' ILLUSTRATED HISTORIES. 

Biographical Histories. By Jacob Abbott and John S. 
C.Abbott. The Volumes of this Series are printed and 
bound uniformly, and are embellished with numerous Engrav- 
ings. 16mo, Cloth, $1 00 per volume. Price of the set (33 
vols.), $32 00. 

A series of volumes containing severally full accounts of the lives, 
characters, and exploits of the most distinguished sovereigns, po- 
tentates, and rulers that have been chiefly renowned among man- 
kind, in the various ages of the world, from the earliest periods to 
the present day. 

The successive volumes of the series, though they each contain 
the life of a single individual, and constitute thus a distinct and in- 
dependent work, follow each other in the main, in regular historical 
order, and each one continues the general narrative of history down 
to the period at which the next volume takes up the story ; so that 
the whole series presents to the reader a connected narrative of the 
line of general history from the present age back to the remotest 
times. 

The narratives are intended to be succinct and comprehensive, and 
are written in a very plain and simple style. They are, however, not 
juvenile in their character, nor intended exclusively for the young. 
The volumes are sufficiently large to allow each history to comprise 
all the leading facts in the life of the personage who is the subject 
of it, and thus to communicate all the information in respect to him 
which is necessary for the purposes of the general reader. 

Such being the design and character of the works, they would 
seem to be specially adapted, not only for family reading, but also 
for district, town, school, and Sunday-school libraries, as well as for 
text-books in literary seminaries. 

The plan of the series, and the manner in which the design has 
been carried out by the author in the execution of it, have been high- 
ly commended by the press in all parts of the country. The whole 
series has been introduced into the school libraries of several of tha 
largest and most influential states. 



Abeaham Lincoln's Opinion of Abbotts' Histories. — In a con- 
versation with the President just before his death, Mr. Lincoln said: "J 
want to thank you and your brother for A bbotts' series of Histories. 1 
have not education enough to appreciate the profound woi'ks of volv^ 
minous historians ; and if I had, I have no time to read them. But 
your series of Histories gives me, in brief compass, just that knowledge 
of past men and events which I need. I have read them, with the great' 
«at interest. To them I am indebted for about all the historical knowU 
edge 1 have." 



Books by the Abbotts. 



CYRUS THE GREAT. ' 

DARIUS THE GREAT. 

XERXES. 

ALEXANDER THE GREAT. 

ROMULUS. 

HANNIBAL. 

PYRRHUS. 

JULIUS CJE3SAR. 

CLEOPATRA. 

NERO. 

ALFRED THE GREAT. 

"WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, 

RICHARD I. 

RICHARD II. 

RICHARD III. 

MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. 

QUEEN ELIZABETH. 

CHARLES L 

CHARLES IL 

JOSEPHINE. 

MARIA ANTOINETTE. 

MADAME ROLAND. 

HENRY IV. 

PETER THE GREAT. 

GENGHIS KHAN. 

KING PHILIP. 

HERNANDO CORTEZ. 

MARGARET OF ANJOU. 

JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 

QUEEN HORTBNSE. 

LOUIS XIV. 

LOUIS PHILIPPE. 



Books by the Abbotts. 



THE LITTLE LEARNER SERIES. 

A Series for Very Young Children, Designed to Assist in 
the Earliest Development of the Mind of a Child, Avhile under 
its Mother's Special Care, during the first Five or Six Years 
of its Life. By Jacob Abbott. Beautifully Illustrated. 
Complete in 5 Small 4to Volumes, Cloth, 90 cents per Vol. 
Price of the set, in case, $i 50. 



LBARNING TO TALK ; or. Entertaining and Instruct- 
ive Lessons in the Use of Language. 1 70 Engravings. 

LBARNING TO THINK : consisting of Easy and En- 
tertaining Lessons, designed to Assist in the First Unfold- 
ing of the Keflective and Reasoning Powers of Children. 
120 Engravings. 

LBARNING TO RBAD ; consisting of Easy and En- 
tertaining Lessons, designed to Assist Young Children in 
Studying the Forms of the Letters, and in beginning to 
Read. 160 Engravings. 

LBARNING ABOUT COMMON THINGS; or 

Familiar Instruction for Children in respect to the Ob- 
jects around them that attract their Attention and awaken 
their Curiosity in the Earliest Years of Life. 120 En- 
gravings. 

LEARNING ABOUT RIGHT AND 'WRONG; or, 

Entertaining and Instructive Lessons for Young Children 
in respect to their Dutv. 90 Engravings. 



Books by the Abbotts. 



KINGS AND QUEENS ; or, Life in the Palace : con- 
sisting of Historical Sketches of Josephine and Maria Lou- 
isa, Louis Philippe, Ferdinand of Austria, Nicholas, Isa- 
bella II., Leopold, Victoria, and Louis Napoleon. By 
John S. C. Abbott. Illustrated. 12mo, Cloth, $1 75. 



A SUMMER IN SCOTLAND : a Narrative of Ob- 
serrations and Adventures made by the Author during a 
Summer spent among the Glens and Highlands in Scot- 
land. By Jacob Abbott. Illustrated. 12mo,Cloth, $1 75. 



THE ROMANCE OF SPANISH HISTORY. By 
John S. C. Abbott. Illustrated. ]2mo. Cloth, $2 00. 



THE TEACHER. Moral Influences Employed in tlie 
Instruction and Government of the Young. By Jacob 
Abbott. Illustrated. ]2mo, Cloth, $1 75. 



GENTLE MEASURES IN TRAINING THE 
YOUNG. Gentle Measures in the Management and 
Training of the Young ; or, The Principles on which a 
Firm Parental Authority may be Established and JMain- 
tained without Violence or Anger, and the Eight Devel- 
opment of the Moral and Mental Capacities be Promoted 
by JNIethods in Harmony with the Structure and the Char- 
acteristics of the Juvenile Mind. A Book for the Parents 
of Young Children. By Jacob Abbott. Illustrated. 
12mo, Cloth, $1 75. 



SCIENCE 



By JACOB ABBOTT. 

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS. 



HEAT. 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 

LIGHT. 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 

"WATER AND LAND. 12mo, Cloth, $1 50. 

FORCE. 12mo, Cloth, f 1 50. 



few men enjoy a wider or better earned popularity as a writer 
Tor the young than Jacob Abbott. His series of histories, and sto- 
ries illustrative of moral truths, have furnished amusement and in- 
struction to thousands. He has the knack of piquing and gratifying 
curiosity. In the book before us he shows his happy faculty of im- 
parting useful information through the medium of a pleasant nar- 
rative, keeping alive the interest of the young reader, and fixing in 
his memory valuable tra.t\\s.— Mercury, New Bedford, Mass. 

Jacob Abbott is almost the only writer in the English language 
who knows how to combine real amusement with real instruction 
in such a manner that the eager young readers are quite as much 
interested in the useful knowledge he imparts as in the story which 
he makes bo pleasant a medium of instruction.— ^^fifaZo Commercial 
Advertiser. 

• * • Mr. Abbott has avoided the errors so common with writers 
for popular effect, that of slurring over the diflBculties of the subject 
through the desire of making it intelligible and attractive to un- 
learned readers. He never tampers with the truth of science, nor 
attempts to dodge the solution of a knotty problem behind a cloud 
of plausible illustratione.— ^. Y. Tribune. 



POPULAR HISTORIES 

BY 

JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. 



HISTORY OF FREDERICK THE GREAT. 

The History of Frederick the Second, called Frederick the 
Great. By John S. C. Abbott. Elegantly Illustrated. 
8vo, Cloth, $5 00. 



THE FRENCH REVOLUTIOK 

The French Revolution of 1789, as Viewed in the Light of 
Republican Institutions. By John S. C. Abbott. With 
100 Engravings. 8vo, Cloth, $5 GO. 



NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 

The History of Napoleon Bonaparte. By John S. C. Ab- 
bott. With Maps, Woodcuts, and Portraits on Steel. 
2 vols., 8vo, Cloth, $10 00. 



NAPOLEON AT ST. HELENA. 

Napoleon at St. Helena ; or. Interesting Anecdotes and Re- 
markable Conversations of the Emperor during the Five 
and a Half Years of his Captivity. Collected from the 
Memorials of Las Casas, O'Meara, Montholon, Antom- 
marchi, and others. By John S. C. Abbott. With Il- 
lustrations. 8vo, Cloth, $5 00. 



By JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. 



CHILD AT HOME. 

The Child at Home ; or, the Principles of Filial Duty famil. 
iarly Illustrated. By John S. C. Abbott. Woodcuts. 
IGmo, Cloth, $1 00. 

The duties and trials peculiar to the child are explained and i^ 
lustrated in this volume in the same clear and attractive manner 
in which those of the mother are set forth in the "Mother at Home." 
These two works may be considered as forming a complete manual 
of filial and maternal relations. 



MOTHER AT HOME. 

The Mother at Home ; or, the Principles of Maternal Duty 
familiarly Illustrated. By John S. C. Abbott. Engrav- 
ings. 16mo, Cloth, $1 00. 

This book treats of the important questions of maternal responsi- 
bility and authority ; of the difficulties which the mother will ex- 
perience, the errors to which she is liable, the methods and plans 
she should adopt ; of the religious instruction which she should 
impart, and of the results which she may reasonably hope will fol- 
low her faithful and persevering exertions. These subjects are 
illustrated with the felicity characteristic of all the productions of 
the author. 



PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY. 

Practical Christianity. A Treatise specially designed for 
Young Men. By John S. C. Abbott. 16mo, Cloth, 

^i 00. 

It is characterized by the simplicity of style and appositeness of 
illustration which make a book easily read and readily understood. 
It is designed to instruct and interest young men in the elfectual 
truths of Christianity. It comes down to their plane of thought, 
and, in a genial, conversational way, strives to lead them to a life 
of godliness. — Watchman and Reflector-. 

It abounds in wise and practical suggestions.— JV. r. Commercial 
Advertiser, 



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